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L  I  BR A R Y 

OF   TIIK 

UNIVERSITY   OF   CALIFORNIA. 

OIKT    OK 


"32 


Received 
Accessions  No. 


sT'     -*.  ^ 

-.  t   'f5    V   \ 


MEMORIAL   ADDRESSES 


LIFE   AND    CHARACTER 


OF 


THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS 

(VICE-PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES), 


DELIVERED   IN   THE 


SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 


FORTY-NINTH    CONGRESS,    FIRST   SESSION. 


PUBLISHED  BY  ORDER  OF  CONGRESS. 


WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT     PRINTING     OFFICE. 
1886. 


JOINT   RESOLUTION  to  print  thirty-one  thousand  copies  of  the  eulogies  on  Thomas  A. 
Hendricks,  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved  bv  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  there  be  printed  of  the  eulogies  delivered  in 
Congress  on  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  thirty 
one  thousand  copies,  of  which  ten  thousand  copies  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Senate, 
twenty  thousand  for  the  use  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  five  hundred  copies 
for  the  use  of  the  Department  of  State,  and  five  hundred  copies  shall  be  for  the  use 
of  Mrs.  Eliza  E.  Hendricks  ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
directed  to  have  printed  a  portrait  of  the  said  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  to  accompany 
said  eulogies  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  engraving  and  printing  said  portrait  the  sum 
of  five  hundred  dollars,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary,  is  hereby  appro 
priated  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated. 

Approved,  March  13,  1886.  3 


DEATH  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT  HENDRICKS. 


PROCEEDINGS 

IN    THE 

SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 


IN  THE  SENATK, 
Monday,  December  7,  1885. 

PRAYER. 

Rev.  E.  D.  HUNTUCY,  D.  D. ,  Chaplain  to  the  Senate,  offered 
the  following  prayer: 

Let  ns  pray.  Almighty  God,  our  Heavenly  Father,  it  be- 
hooveth  those  who  would  have  audience  with  Thee  to  come 
into  Thy  presence  with  reverence  and  godly  fear.  So  would 
we  come  this  morning. 

It  is  remembered  by  Thy  servants  here  convened  that  they 
represent  the  interests  of  a  Christian  people;  and  it  is  fitting 
that  before  engaging  in  the  legislative  business  of  the  hour  we 
should  make  glad  recognition  of  the  high  claims  of  Him  with 
whom  we  have  to  do. 

In  Thy  hands  are  the  issues  of  national  as  of  individual  life, 
and  it  is  because  of  Thy  favor  that  we  have  been  spared  and  are 
yet  numbered  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Thou  hast  given 

3 


4  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  H END  RICKS. 

us  peace  at  home  and  made  us  at  peace  with  all  the  world.  Thou 
hast  protected  us  from  ' '  the  pestilence  that  walketh  in  darkness 
and  the  destruction  that  wasteth  at  noonday."  Thou  hast 
maintained  the  high  court  of  this  nation  in  its  judicial  and  its 
numerical  integrity.  For  these  and  all  Thy  providential  pres 
ervations  be  pleased,  O  God,  this  morning  to  accept  our  thanks. 

Especially  grateful  are  we  for  that  kind  providence  that  hath 
preserved  the  life  and  health  of  our  Chief  Executive.  Be  pleased 
to  continue  Thy  defenses  round  about  him.  May  he  be  shielded 
from  all  danger;  may  he  be  proof  against  all  evil  influences; 
and  may  he  be  spared  to  administer  the  will  of  the  people  in 
the  fear  of  God. 

It  is  of  Thy  mercy  that  so  goodly  a  number  of  these  Senators 
are  permitted  to  occupy  their  places  here  this  morning  and  ad 
dress  themselves  to  the  high  work  for  which  they  have  been  set 
apart.  Be  with  them  as  by  Thy  grace  they  engage  again  in 
the  exacting  duties  of  a  legislative  session. 

We  grieve  that  since  we  last  assembled  in  this  room  death 
has  been  so  specially  busy  in  the  ranks  of  men  and  has  recruited 
his  grim  armies  from  among  the  very  chiefest  of  our  people. 
He  has  knocked  at  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  in  recog 
nition  of  his  unwelcome  visit  the  flags  upon  the  Capitol  have 
fluttered  downward,  signaling  the  earth  to  open  and  receive  the 
nation's  dead.  Once  and  again  has  he  demanded  the  uncon 
ditional  surrender  of  those  who  had  led  our  armies  and  who  had 
ridden  in  safety  through  the  wild  storm  of  many  a  battle.  But 
his  summons  was  not  to  pass  unheeded,  and  our  heroic  chief 
tains,  laden  with  death's  icy  chains,  are  at  last  also  numbered 
among  his  captives. 

He  has  crowded  his  way  into  this  Chamber,  and  at  his  stern 
behest  the  chief  seat  in  the  higher  legislative  body  of  the  Re- 


PROCEEDINGS.  5 

public  has  been  declared  vacant,  and  its  occupant  has  been 
transported  to  ' '  that  undiscovered  country  from  whose  bourne 
no  traveler  returns. ' '  Encurtained  by  the  shadows  of  this  re 
cent  sad  bereavement,  enable  us  rightly  to  estimate  the  char 
acter  and  religiously  to  emulate  the  many  virtues  of  the  distin 
guished  dead. 

O  God,  death  is  Thy  servant,  yet  while  we  pray  he  is  pressing 
his  relentless  way  toward  other  of  these  seats,  which  must  also 
soon  be  hung  with  somber  drapery  except  Thou  do  restrain. 
Bid  him,  oh  bid  him  for  a  time,  withdraw  his  withering  gaze 
from  our  chief  citizens,  that  they  may  recover  strength  before 
they  go  hence  to  be  no  more. 

Our  petition  is  before  the  God  of  Nations.  Answer  it,  we 
pray  Thee,  according  to  Thy  riches  in  glory  by  Christ  Jesus  our 
Redeemer.  Amen. 

Mr.  VOORHEES.  Mr.  President,  in  the  discharge  of  the  sad 
dest  duty  of  my  public  life  I  beg  leave  to  offer  resolutions  which 
I  send  to  the  Chair. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolutions  will  be  read. 

The  Chief  Clerk  read  as  follows  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  has  received  with  profound  sorrow  the  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  late  Vice- President  of  the  United  States,  and  for  a 
number  of  years  a  distinguished  member  of  this  body. 

Resolved,  That  the  business  of  the  Senate  be  suspended  in  order  that  the  eminent 
public  services  and  the  private  virtues  of  the  deceased  may  be  appropriately  commemo 
rated. 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  be  directed  to  communicate  these  resolu 
tions  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Mr.  VOORHEES.  I  ask  that  the  resolutions  lie  on  the  table 
subject  to  be  called  up  at  a  future  day,  of  which  the  Senate  will 
have  due  and  timely  notice. 

Mr.  HARRISON.   Mr.  President,  out  of  respect  to  the  memory 


6  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  II END  RICKS. 

of  the  late  Vice-President  I  move  that  the  Senate  do  now  ad 
journ. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolutions  will  lie  on  the 
table.  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  In 
diana  [Mr.  HARRISON]  that  the  Senate  do  now  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to ;  and  the  Senate  adjourned. 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

December  7,  1885. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Mr.  Speaker,  the  melancholy  duty  has  been 
assigned  to  me  of  announcing  to  the  House  that  THOMAS  A. 
HENDRICKS,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  departed  this 
life  at  his  home  in  the  city  of  Indianapolis,  Ind. ,  on  the  25th 
day  of  last  month.  The  death,  after  a  long  period  of  public 
service,  of  this  eminent  citizen,  holding  at  the  time  the  second 
office  in  the  gift  of  the  Republic,  and  with  a  reputation  in  public 
and  private  life  of  unsullied  purity,  has  occasioned  expressions 
of  deep-felt  grief  throughout  the  whole  country.  Undoubtedly 
Congress,  acting  through  both  its  Houses,  will  at  an  early  mo 
ment  set  apart  an  occasion  for  a  proper  expression  touching  the 
life,  character,  and  public  services  of  the  deceased.  In  view  of 
this  announcement,  and  out  of  respect  for  his  memory,  I  move 
that  the  House  do  now  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to  ;  and  accordingly  the 
House  adjourned. 


PROCEEDINGS.  7 

IN  THE  SENATE, 
Tuesday,  January  26,  1886. 

PRAYER. 

The  Chaplain,  Rev.  E.  D.  HUNTLEY,  D.  D.,  offered  the 
following  prayer: 

Let  us  pray.  O  Thou  whose  kingdom  is  an  everlasting  king 
dom  and  whose  dominion  endureth  throughout  all  generations, 
we  come  to  do  Thee  homage,  and  would  be  enrolled  among 
Thy  servants,  gladly  awaiting  Thy  commands.  We  cannot 
thank  Thee  enough  for  the  mercies  of  the  past.  We  can  only 
pray  that  Thou  wilt  help  us  to  manifest  our  gratitude  by  such 
a  conscientious  use  of  our  political  endowments  as  shall  con 
tinue  unto  us  Thy  guardianship,  and  thus  insure  to  us  and  our 
posterity  honorable  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

We  are  this  day  to  be  again  reminded  of  our  mortality.  The 
ordinary  legislative  business  shall  be  put  aside  while  the  career 
of  our  recently-deceased  Vice-President  is  reviewed  and  the  les 
sons  of  his  eventful  life  are  read  for  the  instruction  of  the  na 
tion.  Help  us  to  profit  by  these  memorial  services,  and  may  we 
so  number  our  days  as  to  apply  our  hearts  unto  wisdom. 

Already  our  beloved  land  is  the  possessor  of  opportunities 
which,  under  the  Divine  guidance,  have  developed  characters 
whose  history  the  people  are  unwilling  to  forget.  We  seek  to 
perpetuate  their  memory  by  shaft,  or  sanitarium,  or  statue;  and 
while  we  rejoice  that  these  monumental  structures  grace  our 
parks  and  crown  our  hill-sides,  we  pray  the  Lord  to  help  us 
rear  above  our  worthy  dead  that  most  honorable  and  most  en 
during  of  all  monuments,  a  Christian  civilization.  May  it  be 
concreted  with  that  justice  which  is  the  habitation  of  Thy 
throne,  that,  being  structured  on  the  basis  which  gives  stability 
to  Thy  eternal  kingdom,  the  Republic  may  abide. 


8  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICA'S. 

Hear  Thou  our  prayer;  guide  us  by  unerring  wisdom  while 
we  live,  and  save  us  in  Thy  kingdom  when  we  die.  For  the 
Redeemer's  sake.  Amen. 

Mr.  VOORHEES.  Mr.  President,  pursuant  to  notice  heretofore 
given,  I  move  that  the  Senate  proceed  to  the  consideration  of 
the  resolutions  now  pending  before  this  body  touching  the  death 
of  the  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  I  ask  for 
their  reading. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tcmpore.  The  Senator  from  Indiana 
moves  that  the  Senate  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  reso 
lutions  mentioned  by  him.  The  resolutions  will  be  read. 

The  Chief  Clerk  read  the  following  resolutions,  submitted  by 
Mr.  Voorhees  on  the  yth  of  December,  1885: 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  has  received  with  profound  sorrow  the  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  THOMAS  A.  HKNDRICKS,  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  for  a 
number  of  years  a  distinguished  member  of  this  body. 

Resolved,  That  the  business  of  the  Senate  be  suspended  in  order  that  the  eminent 
public  services  and  the  private  virtues  of  the  deceased  may  be  appropriately  commemo 
rated. 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  be  directed  to  communicate  these  reso 
lutions  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolutions  are  now  before 
the  Senate. 


ADDRESSES 

ON   THE 

DEATH  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS 

(VICE-PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES), 


DELIVERED    IN   THE 


SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

JANUARY  26,  1886. 


Address  of  Mr.  VoORHEES,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  President,  for  the  eminent  citizen  of  the  Republic  who 
lately  fell  from  his  high  place  among  living  men,  and  who 
sleeps  now  in  peace  and  honor  in  the  bosom  of  the  State  he 
loved  and  served,  we  can  do  no  more  than  has  already  been 
done  by  tongue  and  pen,  and  by  every  method  which  human 
affection  can  inspire.  The  heavy  drapery  of  woe  has  darkened 
alike  the  public  building,  the  stately  mansion,  and  the  doorway 
of  the  humble  home ;  the  proud  colors  of  the  Union  have  drooped 
at  half-mast  throughout  the  United  States  and  in  all  civilized 
lands  beneath  the  sun ;  eloquence  in  the  forum  and  at  the  sacred 
desk  has  paid  its  richest  tributes  to  his  exalted  abilities  and  to 
his  stainless  character;  the  tolling  bell,  the  mournful  dirge,  the 
booming  solemn  minute-gun,  the  mighty  multitude  of  mourn 
ers,  have  all  attended  the  funeral  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS, 
and  borne  witness  to  the  deep  love  and  grief  with  which  he  was 
lowered  into  his  last  earthly  abode.  All  the  honors  due  to  the 


IO  ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA. 

most  illustrious  dead  have  been  paid  by  the  Chief  Magistrate  of 
the  Government,  by  the  authority  of  States,  and  by  the  unre 
strained  affection  of  the  people. 

In  the  Senate,  however,  we  may  not  be  silent  even  though 
the  cup  of  honor  to  his  memory  is  full  and  overflowing.  In 
this  exalted  theater  of  action,  here  on  this  brilliantly  lighted 
stage,  he  fulfilled  his  last  official  engagement  and  closed  his  long 
and  commanding  public  career.  When  this  body  adjourned 
in  April  last  he  went  out  from  these  walls  to  return  to  them  no 
more  forever.  The  chair  to  which  he  had  been  called  by  the 
American  people  was  vacant  when  Senators  gathered  here  again, 
and  now  we  briefly  halt  in  our  weary  inarch  to  do  honor  to 
ourselves,  and  to  benefit  the  living,  by  pointing  out  the  attractive 
virtues  of  the  dead. 

THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  a  native  of  the  Mississippi  Val 
ley,  born  in  Muskingum  County,  Ohio,  on  the  7th  day  of  Sep 
tember,  1819.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  born  on  a  farm, 
so  often  the  nursery  of  mental  and  physical  development  and 
power.  His  earliest  associations  were  with  people  who  earned 
their  bread  by  the  honest  labor  of  their  own  hands,  and  the 
impressions  thus  made  on  his  mind  were  with  him  always. 
They  inspired  his  sympathies,  and  to  a  great  extent  governed 
his  ideas  of  public  duty  at  every  stage  of  his  long  official  life. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1820,  when  the  late  Vice-President 
was  six  months  old,  his  father,  Maj.  John  Hendricks,  with  his 
young  family,  moved  to  the  State  of  Indiana,  then  indeed  an 
infant  State,  but  three  years  older  than  the  strong  man-child 
then  in  his  mother's  arms,  and  destined  to  control  the  gravest 
affairs  of  the  Commonwealth  and  to  wear  her  highest  civic 
laurels.  After  a  brief  sojourn  at  Madison,  the  well-known 
historic  residence  in  the  interior  of  the  State  at  Shelbyville, 
Shelby  County,  was  assumed  by  Major  Hendricks,  and  main- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORHRES,  OF  INDIANA.  \  \ 

tained  with  dignity,  hospitality,  and  great  practical  usefulness 
until  he  slept  with  his  fathers. 

In  the  heart  of  the  dense  forest,  upon  the  gentle  eminence  overlooking  the  beautiful 
valley,  he  built  the  sightly  and  commodious  brick  house  which  yet  stands  in  good 
preservation  in  open  view  of  the  thriving  city  and  richly  cultivated  country  around. 
It  soon  became  known  as  a  center  of  learning  and  social  delight,  and  was  the  favorite 
resort  of  men  of  distinction  and  worth.  It  was  in  particular  the  seat  of  hospitality  to 
the  orthodox  ministry,  Mr.  Hendricks  being  the  principal  founder  and  support  of  the 
Presbyterian  church  in  that  community.  The  presiding  genius  of  that  home  was  the 
gentle  wife  and  mother,  who  tempered  the  atmosphere  of  learning  and  zeal  with  the 
sweet  influences  of  charity  and  love.  Essentially  clever  and  persistent,  she  was  pos 
sessed  of  a  rare  quality  of  patience,  which  stood  her  in  better  stead  than  a  more  aggress 
ive  spirit. 

It  was  at  such  a  home  as  this,  on  one  of  the  outer  lines  of 
advancing  civilization,  shedding  its  rays  of  beneficent  Christian 
light  over  the  waste  places  and  lighting  up  the  wilderness,  that 
the  future  lawyer  and  statesman  began  his  growth  in  knowledge, 
grace,  and  power,  and  rose  to  the  full  stature  of  his  splendid 
manhood. 

What  a  swift  unfolding  panoramic  view  of  the  march  of  em 
pire  and  of  human  progress  was  given  him  to  behold  in  his  own 
lifetime  of  less  than  three-score  years  and  ten  !  Indiana  was 
admitted  into  the  Union  only  sixty-nine  years  ago  with  but 
thirteen  organized  counties,  12,112  voters,  and  a  total  popula 
tion  of  63,897.  The  first  impressions  of  men  and  things  made 
on  the  mind  of  Governor  HENDRICKS  in  his  childhood  outside 
of  his  own  home  were  of  a  sparsely  settled  country,  neighbor 
hoods  composed  of  a  few  families,  making  here  and  there  an 
opening  in  the  wilderness,  and  separated  from  each  other  by  long 
miles  of  towering  unbroken  forests.  He  was  made  familiar 
with  accounts  of  pioneer  privation,  self-sacrifice,  and  heroism. 
Indians  were  still  abundant  in  Indiana,  and,  though  not  on  the 
war-path,  were  uncomfortable  neighbors,  and  he  sometimes 


I  2  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HFNDRICKS. 

listened  to  the  hunter  with  buckskin  shirt  and  unerring  rifle 
who  had  fought  the  red  man  at  Fort  Harrison,  Tippecanoe,  the 
River  Raisin,  and  the  Thames  but  a  few"  years  before.  He  knew 
at  one  time  what  it  was  to  go  six  miles  from  home  for  the  priv 
ileges  of  a  very  ordinary  and  uncertain  school.  The  highway 
of  his  early  youth  wras  the  trail  through  the  woods,  from  one 
settlement  to  another,  surveyed  and  laid  out  not  with  rod  and 
chain,  but  with  the  ax  of  the  frontierman  blazing  the  trees  to 
give  the  traveler  or  the  lost  wanderer  his  points  of  compass  and 
his  way  onward.  His  memory  dwelt  on  the  mill  by  the  flowing 
stream,  where,  with  primitive  methods,  the  bread  of  the  pioneer 
and  those  beneath  his  generous  roof  was  provided  for. 

In  after  years,  when  all  these  things  had  passed  away  like  a 
dream,  and  when  he  was  decorated  with  almost  every  official 
distinction,  he  would  on  rare  occasions  charm  his  listeners  with 
pleasing  pictures  which  had  been  indelibly  painted  on  his  youth 
ful  mind.  I  vividly  recall  one  such  instance  only  a  little  more 
than  seven  years  ago.  The  Millers'  National  Association  met 
at  Indianapolis  in  May,  1878,  and  Governor  HENDRICKS  was 
chosen  to  welcome  them  to  a  public  dinner.  In  the  course  of 
his  remarks,  and  after  dwelling  upon  the  association  before  him 
as  one  of  the  most  potent  factors  in  the  world  in  providing  an 
increased  amount  and  an  improved  quality  of  food,  his  mind 
reverted  to  the  scenes  of  his  boyhood,  and,  with  the  touch  of  a 
master  and  to  the  delight  of  his  audience  of  advanced  millers, 
he  produced  from  memory  the  following  gem  of  portrait  paint 
ing: 

As  a  boy  I  was  acquainted  with  the  miller,  and  I  thought  him  a  great  man.  When 
he  raised  the  gate  with  such  composure  and  confidence,  and  the  tumbling  waters  drove 
the  machinery  ahead,  I  admired  his  power.  And  then  he  talked  strongly  upon  all 
questions.  He  was  very  positive  upon  politics,  religion,  law,  and  mechanics.  Any 
one  bold  enough  to  dispute  a  point  was  very  likely  to  have  a  personal  argument  thrown 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  \  $ 

in  his  face,  for  he  knew  all  the  gossip  among  his  customers.  He  was  cheerful.  I 
thought  it  was  because  he  was  always  in  the  music  of  the  running  waters  and  the  whirl 
ing  wheels.  He  was  kind  and  clever,  indeed  so  much  so  that  he  would  promise  the 
grists  before  they  could  be  ready,  and  so  the  boys  had  to  go  two  or  three  times.  He 
was  a  chancellor  and  prescribed  the  law,  every  one  in  his  turn.  That  miller,  standing 
in  the  door  of  his  mill,  all  white  with  dust,  is  a  picture  even  upon  the  memory  of  this 
generation.  It  is  the  picture  of  a  manly  figure.  I  wonder  if  you  gentlemen,  the  lords 
of  many  runs  and  bolts,  are  ashamed  to  own  him  as  your  predecessor.  It  was  a  small 
mill,  sometimes  upon  a  willowy  brook  and  sometimes  upon  a  larger  stream,  but  it  stood 
upon  the  advance  line  of  the  settlements.  With  its  one  wheel  to  grind  Indian  corn  and 
one  for  wheat,  and  in  the  fall  and  winter  season  one  day  in  the  week  set  apart  for  grind 
ing  buckwheat,  it  did  the  work  for  the  neighborhood. 

Plain  and  unpretentious  as  compared  with  your  stately  structures,  yet  1  would  not  say 
it  contributed  less  toward  the  development  of  the  country  and  the  permanent  establish 
ment  of  society.  So  great  a  favorite  was  it,  and  so  important  to  the  public  welfare,  that 
the  authorities  in  that  day  invoked  in  its  favor  the  highest  power  of  the  State,  that  of 
eminent  domain.  That  mill  and  miller  had  to  go  before  you  and  yours,  and  I  am  happy 
to  revive  the  memory  of  the  miller  at  the  custom  mill,  who  with  equal  care  adjusted  the 
sack  upon  the  horse  for  the  boy  to  ride  on,  and  his  logic  in  support  of  his  theory  in  poli 
cies  or  his  dogma  in  religion. 

But  while  Governor  HENDRICKS  would  thus  at  times  recall 
the  early  days  of  Indiana  and  her  small  beginnings,  on  the  other 
hand  his  joy  and  pride,  everywhere  and  under  all  circumstances, 
at  her  unparalleled  progress  in  every  channel  of  thought  and 
action  were  boundless  and  unrestrained.  His  enthusiasm  over 
the  development,  strength,  resources,  cultivation,  and  honor  of 
the  State  whose  infancy  he  had  shared  and  to  whose  greatness 
he  had  contributed  was  of  a  character  not  to  be  fully  understood 
nor  appreciated  except  by  those  to  whom  the  nature  and  attri 
butes  of  his  mind  were  revealed  by  long  and  intimate  associa 
tion.  Indiana  was  the  one  theme,  whether  in  public  or  private 
speech,  on  which  his  voice  would  fill  with  emotion  and  his  eyes 
flash  with  unwonted  fires  or  grow  moist  with  affection  and  grat 
ified  pride.  He  saw  her  meager  population  swell  to  over  two 
millions,  her  primitive  highways  give  place  to  more  than  six 


14  I-IFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  II END  RICKS. 

thousand  miles  of  railroad,  her  farms  teeming  with  more  wheat 
and  corn  than  any  other  State  of  equal  size,  her  coal  beds  and 
manufactories  filling  the  world  with  their  productions  and  their 
fame  ;  he  saw  accumulated  the  largest  school  fund  per  capita  of 
any  commonwealth  on  the  globe,  and  he  exulted  in  the  free 
schools,  the  high  schools,  the  normal  schools,  the  seminaries, 
the  colleges,  and  the  universities  which  adorn  and  illuminate 
the  State. 

We  have  heard  and  read  much  in  our  day  and  generation  on 
the  subject  of  State  pride  and  the  duty  a  citizen  owes  to  his 
State  government.  Governor  HENDRICKS  loved  the  American 
Union,  and  gave  it  his  warm,  unstinted,  and  unwavering  alle 
giance,  and  held  that  no  duty  to  his  State  could  interfere  with 
his  duty  to  the  Federal  Government.  And  yet  his  love  for 
Indiana,  and  his  pride  in  her  position  before  the  world,  was 
never  less  ardent  and  sincere  than  that  of  the  most  devoted  dis 
ciple  of  that  school  of  State  rights  which  existed  before  the 
war,  but  which  exists  now  no  more.  The  people  of  Indiana 
well  understood  this  fact,  and  repaid  his  affection  with  their 
own  faithful  attachment. 

But  Governor  HEXDRICKS  had  another  and  earlier  reason  for 
his  devotion  to  the  State  besides  his  own  connection  with  her 
affairs.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  records  of  the  Territory  and 
of  the  State  that  no  other  name  has  had  so  long,  so  permanent, 
and  so  conspicuous  a  place  in  the  history  of  Indiana  as  that  of 
his  family.  When  the  delegate  convention  met  at  Corydon  on 
the  zotli  of  June,  1816,  under  the  authority  of  the  enabling  act 
of  Congress,  to  frame  a  constitution  for  the  new  State,  William 
Hendricks  was  the  secretary  of  that  small  but  able  and  historic 
body.  He  was  an  elder  brother  of  Maj.  John  Hendricks,  and 
consequently  an  uncle  of  the  late  Vice-President.  He  was 
large  and  commanding  in  person,  with  marked  intellectual 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORIIEES,  OF  INDIANA.  \  5 

ability.  In  August,  1816,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Con 
gress  under  the  new  constitution,  and  thus  became  the  first 
Representative  of  the  State  of  Indiana  at  the  Federal  capital. 
In  this  position  he  won  such  distinction  that  in  1822  he  was 
elected  governor  of  the  new  Commonwealth. 

There  is  nothing  more  trying  to  a  young  man's  reputation 
and  to  his  future  success  than  to  be  charged  with  the  duties  of 
a  frontier  State,  with  all  its  bitter  necessities;  its  just  expecta 
tions,  so  long  deferred  as  to  make  the  heart  sick;  its  oppressive 
burdens,  which  might  be  lightened  by  promptitude  and  justice 
on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government;  its  keen  and  constant 
struggles  for  full  recognition  as  a  member  of  the  Union,  with 
equal  rights  and  dignity  in  the  company  of  its  sister  States. 
This  ordeal  was  passed,  however,  so  successfully,  that  in  1825 
William  Hendricks  was  elected  a  Senator  in  Congress  from  In 
diana  and  re-elected  for  a  second  term,  giving  him  twelve  years 
of  service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  at  a  most  impor 
tant  period  in  the  history  of  the  State  and  nation.  A  fertile  and 
wealthy  county  in  the  central  portion  of  Indiana  bears  his  hon 
ored  name  and  stands  as  an  enduring  monument  to  the  memory 
of  an  able  and  faithful  public  servant.  In  1837  his  public  life 
closed,  and  it  was  but  eleven  years  later  when  another  official 
career  began  which  was  destined  to  be  longer  and  more  brilliant 
and  to  render  the  same  name  still  more  illustrious.  THOMAS 
A.  HKNDRICKS  came  upon  the  theater  of  professional  and  pub 
lic  life  better  equipped  for  the  duties  before  him  than  young 
men  generally  were  at  that  early  period  in  the  West.  While 
his  youtU  had  been  surrounded  by  the  privations  of  the  frontier, 
he  experienced  but  few  of  them  in  his  own  person. 

His  father  was  a  prosperous  man  for  his  day,  and,  with  the 
commendable  family  pride  of  an  intelligent,  well-read  gentle 
man,  he  spared  no  pains  or  expense  in  preparing  his  sons,  as  far 


I  6  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  IIENDRICKS. 

as  existing  opportunities  then  permitted,  to  enter  with  credit 
and  success  upon  the  duties  of  manhood.  In  the  village  and 
neighborhood  schools,  and  at  South  Hanover  College,  Abram, 
the  eldest  son,  pursued  his  studies  to  become  a  Presbyterian 
minister,  and  his  brother,  next  younger,  laid  the  foundations  of 
his  future  greatness  in  the  councils  of  men.  Governor  HEN- 
DRICKS  was  a  lover  of  books,  and  from  his  youth  up  his  mind 
was  fashioned  to  industry,  study,  and  research.  In  making 
choice  of  a  profession  he  followed  his  earliest  inclinations  and 
eagerly  embraced  the  law.  When  a  mere  boy  he  loved  the  court 
room,  and  listened  with  intense  interest  and  delight  to  the  men 
tal  conflicts  of  strong  men.  Upon  his  return  from  college  he 
entered  at  once  on  his  legal  studies  in  the  office  of  Judge  Major, 
at  Shelby ville.  He  subsequently  went  to  Chambersburg,  Pa. , 
and  further  pursued  his  studies  under  the  tuition  of  his  kins 
man,  Judge  Thomson.  When  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  on 
his  return  home  he  had  a  student's  well-trained  mind,  and  a 
knowledge  of  the  great  principles  of  the  common  law,  which 
increased  and  expanded  with  his  advancing  years,  and  on  which 
he  never  relied  in  vain  in  the  conflicts  of  after  life. 

The  opening  years  of  his  professional  career  were  not  marked 
by  sensational  success,  but  rather  by  a  steady  growth  in  the  con 
fidence  of  the  courts  and  of  the  people  as  a  diligent,  capable, 
and  rising  man.  In  the  meager  practice  of  the  village  lawyer 
great  amounts  were  not  at  stake,  but  in  the  preparation  and 
trial  of  small  cases  the  principles  of  the  law  laid  down  by  Black- 
stone,  Chitty,  and  other  great  masters  of  jurisprudence  were 
often  more  clearly  and  ably  presented  than  in  controversies  in 
the  highest  courts  involving  millions. 

To  one  imbued  with  zeal  and  ambition  for  legal  eminence  no 
trial  in  court  is  unimportant  when  it  presents  an  issue  of  law 
or  of  equity.  In  this  spirit  and  with  this  conception  of  his  pro- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  \  7 

fession  Governor  HENDRICKS  pursued  his  labors  from  the  begin- 
ing.  In  1848  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  ;  and  at  that 
point  began  that  double  line  of  duties,  one  in  the  courts  and 
one  in  the  political  arena,  lasting  thirty-seven  years,  and  only 
closing  when  his  active  but  weary  brain  ceased  to  throb.  He 
became  an  eminent  leader  on  both  lines  of  action,  and  so  evenly 
and  well-balanced  were  his  powers  that  it  would  be  difficult  to 
decide  on  which  he  was  most  conspicuous  and  commanding. 
To  his  own  mind  and  heart,  as  his  intimate  friends  well  know, 
his  labors  and  his  triumphs  in  the  courts  were  the  dearest  and 
most  satisfactory.  The  keen,  high  zest  with  which  he  often 
enjoyed  the  conflicts  of  the  bar  and  their  results  was  something, 
when  once  witnessed,  not  readily  forgotten.  If  the  law,  as  the 
old  writers  have  it,  is  indeed  a  jealous  mistress,  yet  she  had  no 
cause  to  complain  of  his  want  of  love  or  devotion,  or  of  his  ab 
sence  from  her  chambers,  except  when  driven  to  other  fields  of 
duty  by  the  highest  order  that  can  be  issued  to  a  citizen  in  State 
or  nation.  He  lived  to  realize  that  his  fidelity  to  his  profession 
had  met  its  just  reward. 

The  history  of  Indiana  is  luminous  with  the  names  of  able 
lawyers  and  profound  jurists  from  the  days  of  Isaac  Blackford 
down  to  the  present  time;  and  among  the  brightest  and  the 
strongest  of  that  great  galaxy  the  name  of  THOMAS  A.  HEN 
DRICKS  long  since  took  its  permanent  place.  If  to  some  this 
may  seem  merely  the  voice  of  personal  friendship,  perhaps  in 
sensible  to  careful  discrimination  and  close  analysis,  I  would 
recall  to  them  the  imposing  meeting  of  his  brothers  in  the  law, 
held  at  Indianapolis,  and  gathered  from  every  part  of  the  State 
by  the  dread  summons  of  his  death.  Into  that  Federal  court 
room,  where  he  had  won  and  worn  many  of  his  brightest  laurels, 
there  came  on  that  sad  day  the  oldest,  the  ablest,  and  the  most 
learned  of  the  Indiana  bar.  Within  its  hallowed  precincts  every 

S.  Mis.  120 1> 


J  8  I.fFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS, 

thought  and  recollection  of  political  warfare  died  away,  every 
memory  of  party  strife  was  hushed,  and  men  of  every  creed  and 
faith  pressed  forward  to  bear  testimony  in  eloquent  and  burning 
words  to  their  admiration  for  the  great  lawyer,  then  cold  and 
motionless  forever.  Judge  Gresham,  now  of  the  United  States 
circuit  court,  and  so  long  and  honorably  connected  with  the 
Federal  judiciary  and  recently  with  the  administration  of  the 
General  Government,  on  assuming  the  chair  by  the  call  of  the 
meeting  said: 

We  are  assembled  to  pay  our  tribute  of  respect  to  an  eminent  member  of  our  pro 
fession.  Although  Mr.  HENDRICKS  occupied  many  high  stations  in  the  State  and 
nation,  finally  the  second  highest  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  all  of  which  he  filled  with 
distinguished  ability,  he  never  lost  his  fondness  for  his  chosen  profession.  His  triumphs 
at  the  bar  were,  perhaps,  fully  as  satisfactory  as  his  triumphs  in  the  conflicts  of  politics. 
In  capacity  for  rapid  absorption  of  a  case,  arrangement  of  facts  in  their  proper 
relation,  and  in  the  application  of  principles  to  facts,  Mr.  HENDRICKS  greatly  excelled. 
While  he  justly  stood  in  the  front  rank  of  the  profession,  perhaps  his  real  sphere  was 
that  of  the  advocate.  In  this  line  he  had  no  superiors,  perhaps  no  equals.  As  a  trial 
lawyer  he  was  self-reliant  and  courageous,  and  when  a  case  took  a  sudden  and  unex 
pected  turn,  and  defeat  seemed  almost  inevitable,  he  exhibited  rare  skill  and  great  re 
serve  power.  It  was  on  such  occasions  that  he  appeared  to  the  best  advantage. 

In  the  memorial  prepared  and  presented  by  the  bar  committee 
is  the  following: 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  throughout  the  whole  period  of  his  active  life  a  lawyer,  even 
in  his  last  days  concerned  in  the  conduct  of  causes.  His  entrance  upon  and  employ 
ments  in  public  life  were  episodes,  excursions,  useful  to  himself  and  others,  but  did  not 
divert  him  from  the  beaten  path  of  forensic  labor.  On  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  in  the 
halls  of  legislation,  he  sojourned — at  the  bar,  in  the  courts,  he  dwelt.  He  was  engaged 
in  very  much  of  the  important  litigation  at  the  capital  of  his  State.  His  practice  was 
by  no  means  local.  He  attended  in  the  discharge  of  professional  duties  nearly  every 
circuit  in  our  own  and  many  of  the  higher  courts  of  adjoining  States  and  the  Supreme 
Court  at  Washington. 

The  chairman  of  that  committee,  David  Turpie,  once  a  dis 
tinguished  member  of  this  body,  drew  the  following  eloquent 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  j  g 

analysis  of  the  late  Vice-President  as  a  lawyer,  all  of  which 
might  with  equal  fidelity  to  truth  be  said  of  himself  : 

His  legal  abilities  were  so  various  and  diversified  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  in  what 
branch  of  the  profession  he  most  excelled ;  still  harder  to  determine  in  what,  if  any,  he 
was  deficient. 

As  a  pleader,  that  is,  in  making  the  statement  of  a  claim  or  defense  upon  paper,  he 
was  careful,  diligent,  exact. 

He  gave  great  attention  to  the  preparation  of  litigated  causes  for  trial.     *     *     * 

Rightly  deeming  that  proof,  like  glass,  should  be  handled  with  care,  and  might  be 
much  affected  by  the  manner  of  its  utterance  and  the  time  of  its  introduction,  his  verb 
"prepare"  had  a  mood,  a  tense  in  it  often  overlooked  by  others. 

He  had  the  capacity  to  grasp  a  case,  and,  having  grasped,  to  hold  it  in  all  its  details; 
before  development,  from  the  oath  in  chief  of  the  jury  to  their  retirement.  He  seemed, 
so  to  speak,  to  stand  seized  of  it, per  mi  et  per  tout,  in  entireties;  so  that  if  it  failed 
upon  one  hypothesis,  it  should  yet  survive  and  succeed  upon  another. 

Called  upon  to  name  in  briefest  phrase  the  most  prominent  trait  in  his  mental  char 
acter,  aside  from  those  splendid  qualities  which  attracted  public  notice,  I  should  say  it 
was  his  power  of  discernment. 

*  *  *  He  saw  the  relation  in  which  one  thing  stands  to  another,  their  corelative 
bearings,  what  these  relations  would  be  or  might  become  at  any  stage,  mesne  or  final,  of 
the  proceedings. 

And  this  did  not  seem  to  be  so  much  an  acquirement  or  an  accomplishment  as  a  fac 
ulty,  a  faculty  of  introspection,  of  prevision,  a  sort  of  subsidiary  sense  or  sensibility. 

In  this  he  was  exceptionally  great.  It  was  a  quiet  power — calm,  tranquil,  noiseless 
in  its  operation,  but  strange  as  wisdom,  certain  as  inspiration,  and  in  its  effects  unavoid 
able  as  the  decree  of  fate  itself. 

His  powers  of  analysis  were  large,  yet  fully  equaled  by  those  of  combination  and 
construction.  His  mind  in  this  respect  had  a  dual  capacity  seldom  found  in  the  same 
person. 

Joseph  E.  McDonald,  so  well  known  and  so  honored  here, 
held  the  following  language: 

The  national  flag  at  half-mast,  the  city  draped  in  mourning,  and  the  many  sad  faces 
that  throng  our  streets,  all  attest  the  fact  that  one  who  had  enshrined  himself  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  of  this  State  and  had  inscribed  his  name  high  up  in  the  roll  of  the 
distinguished  men  of  our  country  had  closed  his  earthly  career  ;  and  while  we,  his 
brothers  of  the  bar,  have  met  to  pay  to  his  memory  that  honor  to  which  it  is  entitled,  on 
account  of  the  high  rank  he  held  in  our  profession,  a  nation  bows  its  head  in  sorrow. 


2O  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  1IENDRICKS. 

Monuments  may  be  erected  to  perpetuate  his  name,  but  none  will  be  more  enduring  than 
the  memorial  you  will  this  day  enroll  upon  the  records  of  the  courts.  It  is  the  lawyers' 
monument,  and  will  remain  when  monuments  of  brass  or  stone  have  crumbled,  and 
fallen,  and  mingled  with  the  dust.  The  memorial  and  resolutions  you  are  about  to 
adopt  speak  of  him,  his  character  and  career,  and  render  it  unnecessary  for  me  to  more 
than  briefly  allude  to  them. 

Others  in  glowing  periods  and  with  stately  phrase  paid  tribute 
to  their  departed  forensic  leader,  each  one  contributing  to  the 
establishment  of  "the  lawyers'  monument"  in  the  judicial 
records  of  the  country,  "which  will  remain  when  monuments 
of  brass  or  stone  have  crumbled,  and  fallen,  and  mingled  with 
the  dust." 

Turning  our  attention  at  this  point  from  his  legal  to  his  polit 
ical  line  of  duties,  we  find  a  circumstance  at  the  start  which 
may  be  taken  as  the  key  to  his  whole  career.  In  1850  Indiana 
had  outgrown  the  methods  and  the  apparel  of  her  childhood, 
and  stood  in  need  of  certain  fundamental  changes  in  her  organic 
law,  better  adapted  to  her  stalwart  and  rapidly  developing  pro 
portions.  The  legislature  authorized  a  constitutional  conven 
tion  to  be  called.  To  frame  the  constitution  of  a  State  has 
always  been  esteemed  the  proper  work  of  the  fathers  and  the 
elders,  of  those  ripe  in  years  and  full  of  experience.  Here  and 
there  exceptions  have  been  wisely  made  to  this  general  rule,  and 
the  people  of  Shelby  County  made  such  an  exception  in  the 
choice  of  their  delegate.  Governor  HENDRICKS  had  put  his  foot 
on  the  first  round  in  the  ladder  of  his  political  life  when  he  went 
to  the  legislature  in  1848,  and  now  he  was  called  to  go  higher. 

Thus  it  was  at  every  step  of  his  remarkable  history.  He 
inspired  such  confidence  in  every  position  he  held  that  he  not 
only  never  lost  an  inch  of  ground  once  attained,  but  the  con 
stant  and  confident  demand  of  those  who  knew  him  best 
throughout  his  entire  career  was  for  his  promotion  from  height 


ADDRESS  OF  AIR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  ±  I 

to  height  as  long  as  there  was  a  position  of  honor  and  duty 
above  him.  He  rose  with  steady,  unfaltering  steps,  and  never 
disappointed  the  expectations  of  those  who  gave  him  their 
faith.  It  mattered  not  in  what  situation  he  was  placed,  he  met 
its  requirements  with  ability,  with  dignity,  with  courage,  and 
with  clean-hearted  and  clean-handed  integrity.  In  this  one 
great  fact,  shining  out  like  a  star  over  the  pathway  of  his  life, 
his  friends  and  followers  had  their  abundant  pride  and  joy. 

In  the  constitutional  convention,  though  but  thirty-one  years 
of  age,  he  so  bore  himself  in  company,  and  sometimes  in  con 
tact,  with  the  oldest  and  ablest  leaders  of  both  political  parties 
then  in  the  State  that  in  the  following  year,  1851,  he  received 
his  indorsement  and  promotion  by  being  elected  to  Congress. 
This  was  followed  by  a  re-election,  and  then  by  defeat  at  the 
polls  in  1854,  that  weird,  anomalous  year  in  American  politics. 
Within  a  few  months,  however,  after  his  return  home  to  his 
law  office  he  was,  without  solicitation  and  very  unexpectedly, 
appointed  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office  by  Presi 
dent  Pierce.  His  conduct  in  the  House  and  the  discharge  of 
his  duties  there  had  marked  him  as  an  able,  safe,  industrious, 
and  honest  public  official.  The  General  Land  Office  was  then, 
as  it  is  now,  all  things  considered,  the  most  important  Bureau 
in  the  Government. 

The  interest  of  the  American  people  in  the  public  lands 
reaches  all  classes,  and  the  cupidity  of  land  speculators  and  the 
plundering  instincts  of  timber  pirates  were  tempted  thirty  years 
ago  in  the  same  way  and  almost  to  the  same  degree  as  at  the 
present  juncture.  Governor  HENDRTCKS  was  slow  to  accept 
the  position,  and  only  did  so  after  careful  consultation  with 
friends,  and  especially  with  his  father,  on  whose  judgment  he 
greatly  relied.  His  administration  of  the  office  proved  the  wis 
dom  of  the  selection,  and  he  continued  to  hold  it  under  Mr. 


22  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

Buchanan  until  1859,  when  he  resigned,  returned  to  Indiana, 
and  once  more  resumed  his  profession  at  Shelbyville.  He  had 
but  little  respite.  In  1860,  in  the  very  shadow  of  the  thick- 
coming  events  so  soon  to  follow,  he  obeyed  the  call  of  his  party 
in  convention,  and  ran  a  failing  race  for  governor  of  the  State, 
weighted  down  from  the  start  by  the  ominous  collision  be 
tween  Douglas  and  Breckinridge.  A  high  promotion,  however, 
awaited  him  soon. 

The  Legislature  of  Indiana  chosen  in  1862  elected  him  a  Sen 
ator  in  Congress,  and  he  took  his  seat  as  such  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1863.  Here,  in  this  the  most  exalted  legislative  body 
in  the  world  or  in  the  history  of  the  world,  he  gave  himself  up 
for  six  years,  with  absolute  devotion,  to  public  duty,  and  estab 
lished  that  strong  and  enduring  national  reputation  which  ever 
afterwards  attended  him.  For  vigilant  attention  to  the  business 
of  the  Senate,  for  a  knowledge  of  its  principles  and  its  details, 
and  for  earnest,  candid  labor  in  its  transactions,  both  in  com 
mittee  and  discussion  on  this  floor,  it  is  doubtful  whether  any 
Senator  ever  surpassed  him.  The  pages  of  the  Congressional 
Globe  from  day  to  day  attest  this  fact  and  are  rich  with  treas 
ures  of  his  thought  and  eloquence.  He  was  the  ever-present 
leader  of  a  small  minority  in  this  body,  and  never  relaxed  his 
hold  upon  the  laboring  oar. 

While  the  war  lasted  he  favored  its  earnest  prosecution,  and 
voted  for  all  supplies  to  sustain  the  Army.  When  the  war 
closed  he  held  that  the  States  whose  people  had  been  in  re 
bellion  had  never  been  out  of  the  Union,  and  were  consequently 
entitled  to  representation  in  both  branches  of  Congress  and  to 
the  control  of  their  respective  State  governments.  He  antago 
nized  the  doctrine  of  reconstruction,  maintaining  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  reconstruct  the  governments  of  States  which 
had  never  ceased  to  be  members  of  the  American  Union.  I  re- 


REMARKS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  23 

call  his  position  on  this  great  subject  not  for  the  purpose  of  re 
viving  even  a  debatable  thought  in  the  minds  of  Senators,  but 
to  convey  some  idea  of  the  character  and  magnitude  of  his 
labors  while  a  member  of  this  body. 

In  the  debates  which  ensued  every  principle  vital  to  the 
structure  and  existence  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
as  a  Republic  was  involved  and  its  value  tested  by  argument. 
Every  day,  and  at  times  almost  every  hour,  witnessed  keen  and 
strong  encounters  between  such  leaders  as  Fessenden,  Grimes, 
Sumner,  and  Trumbull  on  the  one  hand,  and  HEXDRICKS  on 
the  other.  He  won  the  respect  and  esteem  of  his  opponents 
here  as  he  did  elsewhere.  He  looked  back  on  his  service  in  the 
Senate  with  pleasure,  but  with  no  desire  to  again  enter  this 
Chamber  as  a  member.  He  often  said  he  had  done  a  faithful 
work,  which  would  never  be  needed  again,  to  restore  a  help 
less  and  broken  people  to  peace  and  safety  and  self-control 
under  the  Constitution,  and  that  he  was  willing  the  book  of 
his  labors  in  the  Senate  should  be  considered  finished,  and  re 
main  as  he  left  it  on  the  4th  of  March,  1869. 

In  the  midst  of  his  heavy  labors,  and  the  severe  mental  strain 
upon  him  as  a  Senator,  surrounded  by  such  peculiar  circum 
stances,  another  burden  of  the  first  magnitude  was  imposed  upon 
his  shoulders.  In  1868  his  party  demanded  him  again  as  a  can 
didate  for  governor,  and  while  he  yielded  with  reluctance  and 
with  a  full  appreciation  of  the  odds  at  that  time  against  him, 
yet  he  entered  upon  the  memorable  campaign  and  conducted 
it  to  the  close  with  an  ability,  courteous  bearing,  and  perfect 
courage  never  to  be  forgotten  in  the  history  of  Indiana.  Gen 
eral  Grant  carried  the  State  by  nearly  10,000  majority,  while  it 
will  never  be  absolutely  certain  whether  Governor  HENDRICKS 
or  Governor  Baker,  his  competitor,  received  the  most  votes. 


24  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICKS. 

The  count  at  last  decided  in  favor  of  Baker  by  about  1,100  ma 
jority. 

From  March,  1869,  when  his  duties  terminated  in  the  Sen 
ate,  until  the  summer  of  1872,  Governor  HENDRICKS  diligently 
and  with  great  enjoyment  to  himself  practiced  his  profession, 
being  the  head  of  the  well-known  firm  of  Hendricks,  Hord  & 
Hendricks,  at  Indianapolis.  But  the  tenacious  devotion  of  his 
party  was  not  willing  to  leave  the  close  and  unsatisfactory  re 
sult  of  1868  without  another  appeal  to  the  people  on  the  same 
issue. 

His  resistance  to  the  appeals  of  a  unanimous  convention  for 
him  to  run  again  for  governor  in  1872  was  extreme,  and  for  a 
long  time  unyielding.  When  at  last  borne  down  by  a  sense  of 
duty  to  a  great  and  devoted  party  he  yielded  up  his  own  desires 
and  took  the  race,  he  wore  a  look  of  patient  fortitude  and  heroic 
self-sacrifice,  well  remembered  by  those  who  saw  him  on  that 
occasion.  In  that  year  of  Democratic  defeat  and  disaster,  more 
or  less  deserved,  when  Grant  beat  Greeley  in  Indiana  over 
22,000,  Hendricks  was  elected  governor  by  about  i,  200  majority, 
all  the  remainder  of  the  Democratic  State  ticket  being  defeated 
except  the  candidate  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

From  January,  1873,  to  January,  1877,  a  period  of  four  years, 
he  made  a  record  as  governor  of  Indiana  full  of  honor,  useful 
ness  to  the  people,  dignity,  grace,  and  refinement.  It  is  with 
out  blemish,  stain,  or  fault.  There  is  nothing  he  could  have 
wished  to  change,  amend,  or  recall ;  nothing  for  his  most  ardent 
friends  to  deplore  or  to  cause  them  to  blush  or  apologize.  The 
people  of  Indiana  know  him  but  little,  if  at  all,  by  any  other 
title  than  that  of  their  governor,  for  in  that  capacity  he  was  in 
their  midst,  and  in  personal  contact  with  them  more  than  in 
any  other.  They  knew  him  best,  and  it  followed  that  they 
loved  him  most,  as  Governor  HEXDRICKS. 


REMARKS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,   OF  INDIANA.  25 

But  in  what  rapid  succession  public  honors  sought  him  at 
every  stage  of  his  life  !  While  yet  governor  of  Indiana  in  1876, 
he  was  nominated  at  Saint  Louis  for  the  Vice- Presidency,  and 
I  am  sure  I  will  not  offend  the  most  delicate  susceptibility  by 
saying  that,  as  in  his  contest  for  governor  in  1868  so  in  that  of 
1876,  it  will  always  be  a  matter  of  honest  doubt  in  many  minds 
whether  he  was  defeated  by  one  vote  or  elected  by  a  consider 
ably  majority.  When  in  1884  he  was  in  fact  elected  Vice- 
President,  but  by  a  very  slender  majority,  it  did  indeed  seem  as 
if  the  very  genius  of  close  contests  and  narrow  margins  in  the 
ballot  had  presided  over  his  political  fortunes,  but  that  at  last 
the  account  was  invariably  settled  in  his  favor.  His  victories 
were  the  results  of  hard-fought  and  doubtful  battles,  and  his 
defeats  the  same. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  has  been  charged  with  inordinate  am 
bition.  It  is  true  that  he  was  ambitious  for  an  honorable  fame, 
but  for  place  and  position  he  cared  far  less  in  his  own  behalf 
than  his  friends  did  for  him.  They  believed  him  fit  to  be  Pres 
ident,  and  they  followed  his  fortunes  as  his  Scotch  ancestors  fol 
lowed  the  Bruce,  whatever  fate  awaited  them.  That  he  would 
have  made  a  wise,  prudent,  and  able  administration  of  the 
Government  as  its  Chief  Magistrate  will  not  be  questioned  by 
those  most  familiar  with  his  public  services  and  private  worth. 

In  the  spirit  of  accusation  and  reproach  it  has  been  charged, 
and  more  especially  in  these  later  days,  that  he  was  a  partisan 
in  his  political  ideas  and  methods.  If  by  this  is  meant  that  he 
sincerely  believed  in  the  principles  and  purposes  of  the  party  to 
which  he  belonged,  and  sought  by  all  honorable  methods  to  pro 
mote  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  public  good  by  placing  its 
measures  and  its  men  in  control  of  the  Government,  then  the 
accusation  is  true,  and  the  term  intended  as  a  reproach  becomes 
simply  a  just  tribute  to  an  honest  man.  If,  however,  it  is  in- 


26  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HF\DR  fCk'S. 

tended  to  convey  the  impression  that  he  was  ever  during  all  the 
years  of  his  political  life  violent,  factious,  unreasonable,  or  pre 
scriptive  toward  his  opponents,  whoever  or  whatever  they  might 
be,  nothing  could  possibly  be  more  erroneous. 

There  were  no  neutral  tints  in  his  own  political  colors,  but 
his  tolerance  for  opposing  opinions  was  so  gentle,  his  manner 
of  meeting-  them  in  discussion  so  free  from  bitterness,  so  spar 
ing  of  assault,  and  so  full  of  respect  for  their  candor  that  preju 
dice  melted  away  in  his  presence  and  left  his  hearers  with  un 
biased  minds  to  weigh  his  clear  and  forcible  arguments.  It  has 
been  the  partisan  with  deep,  honest  convictions,  dealing  justly 
with  opposing  views,  who,  in  all  ages  of  the  world  and  in  every 
field  of  human  progress,  has  led  the  way.  Wherever  the  lists 
of  free  controversy  have  been  opened,  wherever  conflicts  of  opin 
ion  have  determined  the  thought  and  action  of  mankind,  there 
the  well-equipped  partisan,  his  zeal  tempered  with  respect  and 
magnanimity  toward  his  adversaries,  has  been  a  guiding  power, 
and  has  engraved  his  name  in  letters  more  durable  than  brass  or 
marble  on  the  tablets  of  history.  To  this  rank  of  partisanship 
ma}-  be  properly  assigned  the  honored  name  of  him  whose  death 
we  mourn. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written,  and  often  without  wisdom  or 
point,  on  the  subject  of  leadership  among  men.  No  man  was 
ever  a  leader  of  his  fellow-men  in  a  free  country  by  self-asser 
tion  or  the  spirit  of  dictation.  He  who  controls  the  reason,  con 
vinces  the  judgment,  enlightens  and  satisfies  the  conscience,  is 
a  leader  of  the  people  mightier  far  than  he  who  relies  on  the 
sword.  Strong  argument,  elaborate  research,  and  eloquent 
persuasion  have  been,  and  will  ever  continue  to  be,  more  po 
tent  factors  in  the  world's  long  annals  than  the  gleaming  bayo 
net  and  the  shotted  cannon.  By  their  peaceful  but  powerful 


REMARKS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,  OF  INDIANA.  2J 

instrumentalities  Governor  HENDRICKS  won  his  way  to  a  high 
and  very  commanding  political  leadership. 

In  his  repeated,  long-sustained,  and  severe  contests  in  Indiana 
he  always  led  his  followers  with  consummate  judgment,  perfect 
courage,  and  a  brilliant  display  of  intellectual  force.  Some 
times  on  the  eve  of  a  political  battle  he  paused  and  weighed 
the  issues  at  stake  with  such  care  and  prudence  that  those  who 
knew  but  little  of  the  quality  of  his  mind  thought  he  hesitated 
to  go  to  the  front.  Nothing  could  be  more  incorrect  than  such 
a  conclusion.  While  others  were  at  times  more  aggressive,  and 
more  rapid  in  their  decisions  at  the  beginning,  yet  none  led 
more  boldly,  nor  further  in  advance,  when  the  conflict  became 
fiercest,  and  when  it  closed  in  victory  or  in  defeat. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  was  never  so  strong,  so  magnetic,  and 
so  irresistible  as  when  under  assault  or  crowded  in  discussion 
by  an  able  antagonist.  In  joint  debate  before  the  people  from 
day  to  day,  and  from  week  to  week,  he  has  had  no  superior,  and 
rarely  an  equal,  in  the  history  of  the  country.  His  qualities 
for  such  an  ordeal  were  of  the  highest  order.  A  self-possession 
never  for  a  moment  disturbed,  a  mental  concentration  no  ex 
citement  could  shake,  a  memory  of  facts  never  losing  its  grasp, 
a  will  which  never  faltered,  and  a  courage  which  rose  in  the 
presence  of  danger  as  certainly  as  the  mercury  in  the  tube 
under  heat,  were  all  his.  Added  to  these  gifts  and  acquirements 
was  a  voice  rich,  musical,  and  resonant,  pealing  forth  at  his 
pleasure  like  a  bugle  call  to  action,  or  modulated  into  the  soft, 
seductive  notes  of  the  flute,  wooing  the  affections.  A  high 
bred,  classic  face  of  singular  manly  beauty,  lit  up  by  a  winning 
and  genial  expression,  a  large  head  with  the  contour  and  poise 
of  an  antique  model,  completed  a  picture  which  was  never  be 
held  by  an  audience  without  emotions  of  delight. 

Five  years  ago  the  unremitting  labors  and  the  incessant  strain 


28  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICftS. 

of  more  than  the  third  of  a  century  caused  the  powerful  and 
compact  physical  constitution  of  Governor  HENDRICKS  to  put 
forth  its  first  signals  of  distress,  and  to  reel  for  a  time  like  a 
disabled  ship  in  the  breakers.  In  the  autumn  of  1880,  seeking 
for  rest  and  surcease  of  toil,  he  visited  that  famous  canon  of  the 
Ozark  Mountains,  in  Arkansas,  where  magical  springs  pour 
forth  their  hot  and  healing  waters.  While  there  in  repose  and 
apparent  security,  the  icy  finger  of  paralysis,  sure  precursor  of 
skeleton  death,  touched  him  with  its  fatal  premonition. 

The  extent  of  his  danger  at  that  time  was  never  known,  ex 
cept  to  her  whose  life  was  as  his  own,  and  to  his  physicians, 
who  did  not  conceive  it  their  duty  to  publish  their  patient's  ail 
ments  in  the  newspapers.  He  came  home,  however,  to  his 
beloved  State,  and  again  took  up  his  public  and  private  duties 
with  serenity  and  composure,  but  he  knew  from  that  time  for 
ward  that  he  walked  in  the  constant  shadow  of  an  impending 
blow.  Not  a  word  ever  escaped  him  on  the  subject  outside  of 
his  domestic  circle.  No  wail,  nor  murmur,  nor  lament  ever 
shook  his  lofty  fortitude  or  passed  his  lips.  When,  two  years 
later,  he  was  stricken  with  lameness  in  his  foot,  and  informed 
that  he  could  rise  no  more  to  take  part  in  the  affairs  of  life,  he 
was  the  only  party  to  the  scene  unmoved  by  the  great  change 
then  apparently  so  near.  He  spoke  of  his  work  as  finished, 
and  quietly  waited  for  the  curtains  wrhich  divide  time  from 
eternity  to  be  drawn  aside.  But  medical  opinion  had  erred, 
and  it  was  reserved  for  him  to  receive  one  more  promotion  at 
the  hands  of  his  countrymen,  to  be  crowned  with  another  and 
higher  honor,  and  to  fall  at  last,  when  his  hour  did  come,  within 
a  single  step  of  the  summit  of  human  greatness. 

At  the  Chicago  convention  in  1884  Governor  HENDRICKS 
made  the  only  appearance  of  his  life  in  such  a  body.  The  old 
familiar  light  was  in  his  face,  and  his  mental  vision  was  as  clear 


REMARKS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,   OF  INDIANA.  2Q 

and  penetrating  as  ever,  but  he  was  physically  not  strong,  and 
the  prompt,  alert  movement  and  elastic  tread  which  his  friends 
knew  so  well  were  wanting.  His  presence  in  that  convention 
was  contagions,  and  the  vast  multitude  shouted  themselves 
hoarse  and  shook  the  mighty  amphitheater  with  his  name 
whenever  he  appeared,  but  no  exultation  came  for  a  moment 
into  his  look  or  manner.  To  those  near  him  he  simply  ap 
peared  to  enjoy  in  a  quiet  silent  way  the  popular  approval  of 
his  long  and  faithful  services,  under  the  weight  of  which  he  was 
then  wearily  walking  in  the  rich  and  glowing  sunset  of  a  great 
and  well-spent  life.  When  he  was  nominated  for  Vice-Presi 
dent  he  was  seeking  repose  and  sleep  on  his  bed  at  the  hotel  at 
the  close  of  an  exciting  day.  He  did  not  hear  the  tender  words 
and  strains  of  Auld  Lang  Syne  break  forth  from  ten  thousand 
voices  at  the  mention  of  his  name,  exclaiming : 

Should  auld  acquaintance  be  forgot, 
And  never  brought  to  mind  ? 

The  effect  of  the  nomination  on  Governor  HEXDRICKS  him 
self  was  immediate  and  remarkable.  The  position  of  Vice-Presi 
dent  was  one  to  which  he  had  never  aspired,  nor  were  its  duties 
congenial  to  his  talents  or  tastes.  He  knew  and  accepted  the 
fact  that  a  dread  specter  was  hovering  near  him  and  liable  to 
cast  its  fatal  dart  at  any  moment,  and  more  especially  in  the 
midst  of  labor  and  excitement.  He  had  so  often,  however,  led 
his  party,  and  had  always  so  fully  met  the  expectations  of  his 
devoted  friends  in  Indiana,  that  his  iron  will  at  once  determined 
not  to  disappoint  them  on  the  last  field  where  he  was  to  appear. 
His  resolution  seemed  to  summon  up  all  the  vigor  of  the  best 
years  of  his  manhood. 

The  energy  and  activity  he  displayed  were  never  surpassed 
in  a  political  contest.  He  declared  himself  ready  to  answer 
for  his  State,  as  he  did  in  1876,  and  the  response  of  the  people 


30  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

justified  his  promise  and  his  claim.  The  brilliant  and  gifted 
leader  of  the  Republican  party,  known  in  the  lists  of  the  politi 
cal  tournament  as  the  Plumed  Knight,  crossed  the  borders  of 
Indiana,  was  welcomed  with  all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of 
a  great  party  long  accustomed  to  national  victories,  made  a 
tour  of  the  State  with  his  banner  full  high  advanced,  inspiring 
the  confidence  and  kindling  into  a  flame  the  zeal  and  devotion 
of  those  who  believed  in  his  destiny  and  followed  his  star.  As 
Mr.  Elaine  closed  his  engagements  in  Indiana  and  drew  off  to 
other  fields,  it  was  determined  that  his  dramatic  and  dazzling 
expedition  into  the  West  should  have  its  bold  and  effective 
counterpart. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  ,  upon  brief  announcement,  passed  rap 
idly  from  point  to  point,  and  the  people  rose  up  to  do  him 
honor  until  the  whole  State  seemed  one  vast  continuous  assem 
blage.  It  was  his  farewell  engagement  on  the  hustings,  and  he 
filled  it  like  a  master.  Such  an  ovation  was  rarely  ever  given 
to  hero  or  statesman  in  ancient  or  modern  times,  and  the  chil 
dren  of  this  generation  will  recall  its  scenes  when  they  are  old 
men  and  women  in  the  distant  future. 

But  while  he  moved  in  the  midst  of  these  pageants,  honors, 
and  allurements,  it  was  known  to  a  chosen  and  silent  few  that 
his  mind  and  heart  dwelt  apart  from  them,  and  were  engaged 
with  matters  of  higher  import  than  those  of  earth.  During  the 
last  two  years  of  his  life  he  selected  and  prepared  the  beautiful 
spot  where  he  now  reposes.  He  gave  his  close  personal  atten 
tion  to  the  finish  and  erection  of  the  stately  marble  shaft  which 
bears  his  name  and  marks  his  final  abode.  His  only  child  died 
when  but  three  years  old,  and  for  more  than  thirty  years  had 
rested  at  the  old  home  at  Shelbyville. 

As  he  felt  the  evening  shadows  coming  on,  the  strong  man, 
the  able  lawyer,  the  distinguished  Senator,  and  governor,  and 


REMARKS  OF  MR.    VOORHEES,   OF  INDIANA.  3  I 

Vice-President,  wished  his  long  lost  little  boy  to  sleep  by  his 
side.  He  tenderly  transferred  the  sacred  dust  from  Shelby  vi lie, 
and  when  he  himself  was  by  loving  hands  laid  to  rest,  the  grave 
of  a  child  was  observed  close  by  covered  with  flowers.  At 
times  he  visited  this  hallowed  spot  and  lingered  there  while  his 
own  name  was  ringing  with  applause  or  provoking  fierce  con 
troversy.  His  thoughts  were  then  far  away,  and  with  deep 
emotion  he  gathered  up  the  broken  links  of  the  past,  and  by  a 
faith  that  never  faltered  nor  grew  dim,  reunited  them  in  that 
high  world  beyond  the  sun  and  beyond  the  stars. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  was  a  believing  and  practical  Christian 
all  the  days  of  his  life.  His  duties  to  the  church  were  no  more 
neglected  nor  evaded  than  his  duties  to  the  state.  He  held 
official  relations  with  both,  but  never  mingled  them.  He  bore 
open  and  public  testimony  on  all  proper  occasions  to  his  reliance 
upon  the  teachings  of  Christianity  for  the  advancement  of  civ 
ilization  and  for  the  happiness  of  mankind.  In  his  private  life 
he  exemplified  the  beautiful  virtues  of  his  religion.  He  was 
much  given  to  charity,  not  merely  in  the  bestowal  of  alms  to 
the  poor,  but  in  the  kindness  of  his  heart  and  the  tolerance  of 
his  spirit  toward  all.  He  obeyed  the  apostolic  injunction,  and 
lived  in  peace  with  all  men  as  far  as  it  lay  in  his  power  to  do 
so.  He  never  gave  the  first  blow  in  a  personal  controversy, 
and  often  forbore  to  return  those  he  received.  He  loved  his 
neighbors,  and  was  by  them  beloved. 

Sir,  we  shall  see  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  no  more  with  our 
mortal  eyes.  He  is  gone  from  the  high  places  of  earth  to  the 
higher  realms  of  immortality.  He  is  lost  to  the  Senate  Cham 
ber,  to  the  forum,  and  to  home  and  friends.  We  will  follow 
him;  he  will  return  no  more  to  us.  As  long,  however,  as 
American  history  treasures  up  pure  lives  and  faithful  public 
services;  as  long  as  public  and  private  virtue,  stainless  and 


3 .:  LtFE  .*.V 

without  blemish,  is  revered,  so  long  will  his  name  be  cherished 
by  the  American  people  as  an  example  worthy  the  highest  em 
ulation.  Monuments  of  brass  and  marble  will  lift  their  heads 
toward  heaven  in  honor  of  his  fame,  but  a  monument  more 
precious  to  his  memory  and  more  valuable  to  the  world  has  al 
ready  been  founded  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  whom  he  served 
so  long,  so  faithfully,  and  with  such  signal  ability-.  In  the  busy 
harvest  time  of  death,  in  the  year  iSS>,  there  was  gathered  into 
eternity  no  nobler  spirit,  no  higher  intelligence,  no  fairer  soul. 


Address  of  V 


Mr.  President,  when  death  laid  his  inexorable  hand  on 
THOMAS  A.  HKX  PRICKS,  Yice-President  of  the  United  States, 
we  had  a  striking  and  painful  illustration  of  the  truth  that 
'death  loves  a  shining  mark,  a  signal  blow/"  Eminent  alike 
tor  his  abilities  a:td  his  virtues:  honored  wherever  known  and 
loved  best  where  best  known:  crowned  with  almost  every  civic 
honor  which  a  grateful  people  could  bestow:  occupying  one  of 
the  most  exalted  positions  in  our  country,  and  blessed  by  a  do 
mestic  happiness  perfect  -is  it  was  beautiful,  he  did  indeed  offer 
a  shining  mark  to  the  insatiate  archer. 

One  of  the  great  Roman  satirists  tells  us  that  "pale  death 
with  impartial  footsteps  knocks  alike  at  the  poor  man's  hut  and 
the  palace  of  kings,"  and  every  page  of  history  teaches  the 
mocmful  truth  that  "  tbe  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 
How  often  in  the  lost  few  months  has  this  solemn  lesson  been 
broaght  home  to  oar  hearts!  The  last  days  of  summer  saw  a 
countless  multitude  with  bowed  acd  uncovered  heads  line  the 
rvx&d  over  which  the  soldier  President  of  this  great  Republic 

s  bo.me  to  his  last  resting  place,  and  the  echoes  of  the  funeral 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HAMPTO.\\  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  ;  ? 

o  o 

march  that  sounded  his  dirge  had  scarcely  died  away  when  the 
body  of  that  other  great  soldier,  General  McClellan,  was  com 
mitted  to  its  mother  earth. 

Again  is  the  country  called  on  to  mourn  the  death  of  another 
illustrious  citizen,  and  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  of  which 
he  had  been  a  distinguished  and  honored  member,  over  which 
as  his  last  public  duty  he  presided  with  dignity  and  impartiality, 
pauses  amid   the  routine  of  its  daily  duties  to  pay  a  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  its  late  presiding  officer,  and  to  give  utterance 
to  the  sorrow  which  fills  every  patriotic  heart  in  our  country  for 
the  death  of  our  honored  Yice-President.      It  is  eminently  fit  and 
proper  that  this  should  be  done,  and  my  only  regret  in  joining 
in  this  tribute  is  that  my  contribution  to  it  must  necessarily  be 
so  unworthy  of  him  to  whose  memory  it   is  offered.      It  would 
be  difficult  for  me  under  the  most  favorable  conditions  to  say 
anything  worthy  of  this  theme,  and  the  task  has  been  rendered 
impossible  since  we  have   listened  to   the  eloquent  words  just 
uttered  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana.      I  cannot  venture  even  to 
glean  in  the  field  reaped  so  thoroughly  by  him,  and  I  must  con 
tent  myself  by  expressing  in  a  few  sincere,  heart-felt  words  the 
respect,  the  esteem,  and  the  admiration  felt  by  our  people  for  Mr. 
HEXDRICKS  while  living  and  the  profound  grief  caused  by  his 
untimely  death.     These  feelings,  I  am  sure,  are  not  confined  to 
one  section  or  to  one  party,  but  are  shared  by  all  classes,  wher 
ever  honor,   integrity,  virtue,  and   piety   such   as  marked  the 
character  of  the  illustrious  dead  are  respected  and   venerated. 
Asa  proof  of  the  truth  of  this,  Mr.  President,  we  need  no  stronger 
evidence  than  the  scene  which  now  meets  our  view  in  this  Cham 
ber,  when  members  of  both  parties  vie  with  each  other  in  heart 
felt  expressions  of  esteem  for  the  stainless  character,  public  and 
private,  of  Mr.  HEXDRICKS.     While  this  testimonial  is  honor 
able  to  those  who  offer  it  and  deserved  by  him,  to  whom  it  is 
S.  Mis.  120 3 


34  I-IFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  IfENDRICA'S. 

able  to  those  who  offer  it  and  deserved  by  him   to  whom  it  is 
given,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  can  draw  from  it  a  lesson  profit 
able  to  us  all  if  we  heed  it     It  should  teach  us  to  be  charitable 
in  our  judgment  of  those  who  differ  with  us.     Fortunately  in 
this  case  we  need  not  invoke  charity  in  the  judgment  pro 
nounced  on  the  character  of  our  dead  Vice-President,  for  we 
can  challenge  for  it  universal  respect  and  admiration ;  but  should 
we  not  in  all  cases  deal  charitably  with  the  living  as  well  as 
with   the  dead?     We  have  been  told  on  Divine  authority  that 
faith,  hope,  and  charity  are  the  cardinal  virtues,  and  the  great 
est  of  these  is  charity.     Not  that  charity  which  merely  relieves 
suffering  humanity,  but  that  broader  charity  which  judges  len 
iently  the  motives  and  actions  of  men,  which  tells  us  to  do  unto 
others  as  we  would  have  others  do  unto  us — that  sublime  charity 
inculcated  by  our  Saviour.     In  the  friction  caused  by  political 
differences  and  in  the  heat  of  party  strife  we  too  often  indulge  in 
a  bitterness  toward  our  opponents  as  unjust  as  it  is  uncharitable. 
Motives  are  impugned,  actions  misrepresented,  facts  distorted, 
and  character  assailed  in  this  partisan  warfare.     And  yet  when 
one  of  the  great  actors  in  the  political  arena  falls  all  animosities 
are  buried  with  him,  and  in  the  awful  presence  of  Death  friends 
and  foes  alike  strive  to  do  justice  to  his  merits  and  to  pay  hom 
age  to  his  memory.     Recognizing  this  fact,  which  does  honor 
to  human  nature,  can  we  not  agree  to  disagree  without  malice? 
Can  we  not  believe  that  men  may  be  honest  and  conscientious 
even  though  they  differ  with  us?     In  a  word,  can  we  not  be 
charitable  in  our  judgment  of  our  fellow-men? 

Human  nature  is  but  clay 
Truly  blessed  by  charity. 

These  reflections  have  naturally  suggested  themselves  to  my 
mind  by  the  scene  presented  here  to-day  and  by  others  of  a  simi 
lar  character  which  have  so  often  of  late  transpired  in  this 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HAMPTON,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  35 

Chamber.  Time  and  again,  during  my  brief  service  here,  have 
I  seen  these  mournful  ceremonies  re-enacted,  and  on  each  have 
members  of  opposing  parties,  clasping  hands  over  the  grave  of 
a  colleague,  paid  willing  homage  to  his  virtues,  while  the  mantle 
of  charity  was  thrown  over  his  faults.  These  scenes,  which 
prove  the  brotherhood  of  mankind,  and  show  that  "one  touch 
of  nature  makes  the  whole  world  kin,"  have  left  a  deep  impres 
sion  on  my  mind,  and  that  impression  was  indelibly  fixed  by 
the  extraordinary  spectacle  presented  at  the  funeral  of  General 
Grant.  We  all  remember  the  imposing  and  touching  ceremo 
nies  of  that  mournful  occasion,  and  certainly  no  one  who  wit 
nessed  them  can  ever  forget  them.  But  the  feature  that  struck 
me  as  the  most  significant,  the  most  impressive,  was  the  fact 
that  among  those  who  bore  the  body  of  the  great  captain  of  the 
Union  Army  to  the  grave  were  confederate  soldiers,  who  a  few 
brief  years  ago  were  his  mortal  enemies. 

Democrats  and  Republicans,  men  who  wore  the  blue  and 
those  who  wore  the  gray,  met  at  his  tomb  to  pay  the  last  tribute 
of  respect  to  his  memory.  Here  to-day  we,  while  honoring  our 
selves  by  doing  honor  to  the  memory  of  our  late  Vice-President, 
see  exhibited  the  same  kind  and  generous  feelings  which  marked 
the  obsequies  of  the  dead  ex-President.  If  then  our  political 
and  personal  animosities  cease  at  the  grave,  should  we  not  be 
tolerant,  considerate,  and  charitable  in  the  judgment  we  pass 
on  our  contemporaries,  even  though  they  be  our  political  oppo 
nents?  All  of  us,  sooner  or  later,  must  claim  from  the  living 
that  tender  recognition  which  we  now  bestow  on  the  dead.  For 
our  hearts, 

Like  muffled  drums,  are  beating 
Funeral  marches  to  the  grave; 

and  to  that  bourn  we  are  hastening  with  steady  and  rapid  steps. 
Fortunate  indeed  shall  we  be  if  when  we  reach  that  bourn  we 


36  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND RICKS. 

may  be  able  to  meet  the  Great  Judge  with  a  conscience  void  of 
offense  toward  God  and  man,  as  was  his  whose  loss  the  country 
deplores. 

He,  dying,  leaveth  as  the  sum  of  him 

A  life-count  closed,  whose  ills  are  dead  and  quit; 

Whose  good  is  quick  and  mighty,  far  and  near, 

So  that  fruits  follow  it. 

No  need  hath  such  to  live,  as  ye  name  life; 

That  which  began  in  him,  when  he  began, 

Is  finished;  he  has  wrought  the  purpose  through 

Of  what  did  make  him,  man. 

He  has  indeed  left  a  life-count  closed,  without  one  blot  or 
stain  to  mar  its  fair  page,  and  in  every  relation  of  life  he  proved 
himself,  in  the  highest  and  best  sense,  a  man.  Firm  and  sin 
cere  in  his  convictions ;  true  to  his  friends ;  liberal  toward  his 
opponents  ;  conscientious  in  the  discharge  of  every  duty  ;  a 
patriot  and  a  Christian,  he  surely  deserved  and  doubtless  has 
received  that  highest  reward  that  can  be  bestowed  on  mortal 
or  angel,  the  final  decree  of  the  Judge  of  all  living,  "Well  done, 
thou  good  and  faithful  servant. "  It  is  one  of  the  inconsistencies, 
perhaps  rather  one  of  the  infirmities,  of  human  nature  that  in 
spite  of  all  the  blessed  assurances  of  Christianity  we  grieve  when 
those  who  are  near  or  dear  to  us  are  taken  away  by  death.  We 
know  that  to  those  who  are  prepared  to  die  death  is  but  the 
gloomy  portal  through  which  they  pass  to  the  realms  of  eternal 
happiness,  and  this  conviction  should  teach  us  that  all  grief  for 
them  is  selfish  ;  but  neither  philosophy  nor  religion  can  soothe 
the  anguish  which  wrings  our  hearts  when  a  dear  friend  or  a 
beloved  relative  is  borne  to  the  grave. 

The  blood  will  follow  where  the  knife  is  driven ; 
The  flesh  will  quiver  where  the  pincers  tear. 

Thus,  when  the  good  are  called  home,  to  enter  on  the  true 
life  beyond  the  grave,  we  grieve,  not  for  them,  but  for  ourselves. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SHERMAN,  OF  OHIO.  3  7 

It  is  well  with  them  ;  they  have  exchanged  the  sorrows,  the 
sufferings,  of  this  world  for  the  glories  of  heaven  ;  a  daily  death 
for  life  eternal.  There  is  a  beautiful  thought  expressed  by  one 
of  our  oldest  poets  which  seems  to  me  peculiarly  appropriate 
when  a  good  man,  ripe  in  years  and  rich  in  honors,  passes  away 
from  earth. 

Speaking  of  our  misuse  of  language,  he  says  : 

We  call  here  life     *     *     *     * 
Angels  who  live  and  know  what  'tis  to  be, 
Who  all  the  nonsense  of  our  language  see ; 

Who  speak  things,  and  our  words,  their  ill-drawn  pictures  scorn, 
When  we,  by  a  foolish  figure  say, 
"  Behold  an  old  man  dead  ! "  then  I  hey 
Speak  properly  and  cry,  "  Behold  a  man-child  born!" 


Address  of  Mr.  SHERMAN,  of  Ohio. 

Mr.  President,  in  pausing  a  while  in  our  public  duties  to  pay 
our  tributes  to  the  memory  of  a  conspicuous  actor  in  the  scenes 
that  have  transpired  in  this  Chamber  during  this  generation,  we 
naturally  leave  to  the  Senators  from  Indiana  the  more  formal 
statements  of  the  principal  events  of  his  life  and  of  the  qualities 
of  heart  and  mind  that  endeared  him  to  the  people  of  the  State 
in  which  he  lived  and  secured  him  the  preference  and  support 
of  a  broader  constituency  for  the  second  executive  office  of  the 
United  States. 

All  that  we  who  have  been  co-workers  with  him  in  the  pub 
lic  service  can  do  is  to  add  our  gleanings  to  their  store  by  a 
frank  but  kindly  and  charitable  view  of  the  part  he  took  in  our 
presence  in  the  common  duties  of  public  life,  and,  better  still  as 
evidence  of  character,  the  part  he  took  in  private  life  as  a  citi 
zen,  an  associate,  and  in  all  the  relations  of  domestic  life. 

My  first  acquaintance  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  when  he  was 
Commissioner  of  Public  Lands  during  part  of  the  administra- 


38  LIVE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND RICKS. 

tions  of  Presidents  Pierce  and  Buchanan.  In  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  of  this  important  office  he  was  brought  into  contact 
chiefly  with  citizens  of  the  Western  States,  whose  titles  are  de 
rived  directly  from  the  United  States.  His  administration  of 
this  office  is  admitted  to  be  without  fault,  for  he  was  careful, 
patient,  and  industrious,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation  of  his 
popularity  in  vast  regions,  the  fruits  of  which  he  was  to  reap  in 
after  years.  No  one  was  more  familiar  than  he  with  the  history 
and  laws  of  the  new  States  and  Territories  that  have  been  rap 
idly  developed  from  the  vast  public  domain  extending  from  the 
Ohio  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  voluntarily  retired  from  this 
position  in  1859  to  resume  the  practice  of  law,  which  appears 
always  to  have  been  his  favorite  occupation.  In  March,  1863, 
he  took  his  seat  as  a  member  of  this  body.  For  six  years  he  was 
by  far  the  most  active  and  influential  Senator  of  his  political 
party,  always  taking  the  lead  in  directing  and  expounding  the 
policy  of  his  associates  on  the  innumerable  questions  that  grew 
out  of  the  conduct  of  the  war  or  that  sprang  from  the  results  of 
the  war.  No  period  of  American  history  has  presented  ques 
tions  of  equal  difficulty  or  importance,  for  they  involved  not 
merely  old  divisions  of  domestic  policy  for  which  the  Constitu 
tion  furnished  a  guide,  but  also  very  many  problems  that  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution  did  not  provide  for  and  did  not  con 
ceive  could  arise.  It  was  during  this  period  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S 
life  that  he  established  the  influence  over  his  party  which  he 
never  lost.  Though  rarely  agreeing  with  him,  I  bear  willing 
testimony  to  the  marked  ability  with  which  he  maintained  his 
opinions.  Always  plausible  in  argument  and  courteous  in  de 
bate,  ready  in  resources  and  never  violent  in  manner  or  state 
ment,  he  satisfied  his  friends  and  did  not  irritate  his  adversaries. 
His  speeches  were  evidently  carefully  prepared,  but  rarely  read 
when  delivered;  his  argument  was  clear  and  his  language  copi- 


ADDRESS  OF  AIR.  SHERMAN,  OF  OHIO.  39 

ous,  rarely  pausing  for  a  word  or  phrase,  but  moving  smoothly 
on  like  a  full  river.  If  his  premises  were  admitted  it  was  diffi 
cult  to  resist  his  conclusions,  and  the  weak  points  of  his  posi 
tion  were  carefully  guarded  by  plausible  arguments. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States  was,  perhaps,  the 
most  frequent  subject  of  his  speeches,  and  upon  this  he  early 
took  the  position  that  as  a  question  of  law  the  events  of  war 
did  not  and  could  not  disturb  the  relation  of  the  State  to 
the  Federal  Union;  that  its  existence  as  a  State,  its  organiza 
tion  as  a  State,  its  constitution  continued  all  the  way  through 
the  war,  ' '  and  when  peace  came  it  found  the  State  with  its  con 
stitution  and  its  laws  unrepealed  and  in  full  force,  holding  that 
State  to  the  Federal  Union."  He,  therefore,  opposed  every  bill 
containing  a  safeguard  deemed  by  others  necessary  as  a  condi 
tion  precedent  to  the  restoration  of  the  State  to  the  Union,  and 
every  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  pro 
posed  as  a  condition  precedent  to  the  full  exercise  of  the  powers 
of  a  State.  Unlike  his  distinguished  colleague,  Governor  Mor 
ton,  who  shared  with  him  during  a  part  of  his  term  the  honor 
of  representing  Indiana  in  this  body,  Senator  HENDRICKS  ad 
hered  to  and  maintained  in  many  famous  debates  his  opinion 
as  to  the  right  of  States  lately  in  rebellion  to  unconditional  res 
toration  when  the  war  was  over. 

The  heat  of  the  contest  is  now  over,  and  we  may  calmly  look 
back  upon  the  past  contentions  as  founded  upon  honest  differ 
ences  of  opinion  and  fairly  weigh  the  merits  of  the  great  actors 
in  the  battles  of  war  or  debate,  and  especially  so  when  one  by 
one  they  disappear  from  the  living  and  join  the  great  army  of 
the  dead.  Viewed  from  this  standpoint,  we  must  acknowledge 
that  Vice-President  HENDRICKS  in  his  public  life  was  a  learned 
lawyer,  studious,  diligent,  and  successful ;  a  trusted  and  honored 
governor  of  his  State,  always  retaining  the  affection  and  respect 


4O  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDKICKS. 

of  those  who  knew  him  best;  a  faithful  and  honest  officer  in  a 
position  of  high  trust  in  an  executive  branch  of  the  National 
Government;  a  member  of  each  house  of  Congress  of  unques 
tioned  ability  and  integrity,  faithful  to  his  convictions  as  tested 
by  the  principles  which  he  openly  avowed  and  ably  defended, 
and  by  these  tests  true  to  his  part}-  and  country,  and  as  such 
was  rewarded  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  with  the  second 
office  in  their  gift. 

If  we  turn  from  his  public  life  and  view  him  as  a  man,  in 
all  the  varied  relations  of  life,  we  can  pronounce  his  eulogy 
without  the  qualification  of  opposing  opinions.  That  he  was 
honorable  and  just  in  all  business  affairs  has  not  been  ques 
tioned.  He  was  easy  of  approach,  affable  and  kind,  carrying 
into  his  private  life  none  of  the  bitterness  of  political  strife. 
He  was  a  man  of  good  habits  and  temperate,  plain,  of  unblem 
ished  character,  the  best  type  of  an  American  citizen.  He  was  a 
lover  of  order,  peace,  and,  if  not  a  member  of  a  religious  society, 
he  respected  and  observed  the  obligations  of  religion  and  mo 
rality,  and,  more  important  than  all  else  in  human  society,  he 
was  faithful  to  his  duty  to  his  kindred  and  family,  and  left  us 
an  example  of  purity  and  honor  in  private  life.  It  is  these 
virtues,  far  more  than  genius,  learning,  or  intellectual  force, 
that  make  our  late  presiding  officer  worthy  of  the  high  praise 
this  day  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  surviving  associates  in  the 
Senate  Chamber. 


Address  of  Mr.  SAULSBURY,  of  Delaware. 

Mr.  President,  the  announcement  of  the  death  of  Governor 
HENDRICKS  was  received  with  sincere  expressions  of  regret 
throughout  the  country. 

For  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  he  had  been  known  as 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SAULSBURY,  OF  DELAWARE.  41 

a  statesman  of  enlarged  views  and  commanding  influence  and 
was  held  in  high  esteem  not  only  by  those  who  knew  him  per 
sonally,  but  also  by  a  much  larger  number  who  knew  him  only 
from  the  reputation  earned  by  a  long  life  of  eminent  public 
service. 

It  is  proper  that  recognition  should  be  made  of  distinguished 
worth  and  merit  in  the  lives  of  public  men  and  that  due  honors 
should  be  paid  to  their  memories  after  they  have  passed  away. 
It  is  perhaps  the  universal  desire  of  the  living  to  be  remembered 
by  those  who  survive  and  succeed  them — a  desire  springing 
from  no  inordinate  self-esteem,  but  innately  implanted  in  the 
human  breast  as  an  incentive  to  honorable  and  useful  lives 
among  men. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  estimate  the  influence  of  this  laud 
able  ambition  upon  human  action  or  measure  its  value  upon  the 
happiness  and  well-being  of  society,  but  it  may  be  affirmed  that 
it  has  inspired  the  hopes  and  shaped  the  lives  of  many  of  the 
most  illustrious  and  distinguished  men  both  of  ancient  and 
modern  times. 

The  commemoration  of  the  characters  of  deceased  public  men, 
who  by  their  labors  and  talents  have  attained  tc  acknowledged 
distinction,  is  not  only  a  just  tribute  to  their  memories,  but  an 
indiicement  to  the  living  to  emulate  their  virtues  and  imitate 
their  examples  of  usefulness  and  honor.  There  have  been  but 
few  public  men  who  commanded  more  respect  or  whose  mem 
ories  will  be  held  in  higher  regard  by  the  people  of  the  country 
than  Governor  HENDRICKS,  and  it  is  especially  appropriate  that 
the  Senate  should  give  expression  to  the  respect  entertained  for 
the  memory  of  one  who  so  lately  presided  over  its  deliberations. 
Such  expression  is  due  not  only  on  account  of  the  high  official 
position  which  he  held  at  the  time  of  his  death  and  his  con 
sequent  connection  with  this  body,  but  also  because  of  the  emi- 


42  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICKS. 

nent  ability  and  fidelity  displayed  in  every  position,  State  and 
Federal,  he  was  called  upon  to  fill. 

His  private  virtues  and  the  record  of  his  public  life  as  gov 
ernor  of  Indiana,  as  Representative  in  Congress,  and  as  Senator 
from  his  State,  have  been  eloquently  presented  in  the  addresses 
to  which  we  have  listened.  Such  a  life,  so  free  from  reproach,  so 
faithful  to  every  trust,  needs  no  encomium.  The  simple  record 
of  its  "  living  action "  is  the  proper  measure  of  its  usefulness 
and  its  highest  and  most  appropriate  eulogy. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  was  endowed  by  nature  with  fine  intel 
lectual  powers,  which  were  developed  and  strengthened  by  a 
culture  and  discipline  that  enabled  him  to  comprehend  more 
readily  and  accurately  the  various  questions  which  demanded 
his  attention  both  in  public  and  private  life.  His  conclusions 
were  not  mere  impressions  derived  from  intuitive  perception, 
but  were  the  result  of  careful  investigation  and  reason.  Hence 
he  was  cautious  in  the  expression  of  opinions  until  they  had 
been  clearly  and  definitely  formulated  in  his  own  mind  by  de 
liberate  thought  and  reflection.  This  fact  gave  great  weight  to 
his  opinions  upon  all  questions  upon  which  they  were  expressed, 
and  inspired  a  reliance  upon  his  judgment  on  the  part  of  others 
which  was  seldom  found  to  have  been  misplaced. 

His  studious  habits  in  early  life  and  careful  attention  to  the 
business  intrusted  to  his  care,  prompted  by  a  laudable  ambition 
for  success  in  his  profession  and  distinction  among  men,  soon 
attracted  attention  and  brought  him  into  notice  in  his  own  State. 
He  entered  public  life  in  the  prime  of  manhood,  and  retained 
until  the  day  of  his  death  the  unabated  confidence  of  those 
among  whom  he  lived,  and  indeed  I  may  say  of  a  very  large 
portion  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  was  not  unknown  when  he  entered  this 
Chamber  as  a  Senator  from  Indiana,  having  served  in  the  other 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SAULSBURY,  OF  DELAWARE.  43 

House  of  Congress  and  filled  an  important  position  in  an  Exec 
utive  Department  of  the  Government  during  the  administration 
of  President  Pierce.  His  service  in  the  Senate  brought  him 
still  more  prominently  before  the  country  and  furnished  the  op 
portunity  for  establishing  that  national  reputation  for  ability 
and  statesmanship  which  has  since  been  accorded  to  him. 

He  took  his  seat  in  this  body  at  a  time  when  free  discussion 
was  somewhat  restrained  by  a  spirit  of  intolerance  throughout 
the  country  and  which  was  at  times  manifested  in  this  Cham 
ber,  usually  so  indulgent  to  honest  differences  of  opinion.  He 
entered  promptly,  however,  into  the  debates  of  the  Senate,  and 
wras  often  compelled  to  antagonize  with  earnestness  measures 
which  he  deemed  unwise  and  pernicious,  displaying  an  ability 
which  gained  the  admiration  of  friends  and  commanded  the  re 
spect  of  those  whose  views  and  measures  he  was  compelled  to 
oppose. 

The  services  rendered  by  Governor  HENDRICKS  while  in  offi 
cial  station  by  no  means  measure  the  value  of  his  life  either  to 
his  State  or  the  country.  For  many  years  he  had  held  a  place 
in  public  estimation  that  enabled  him  to  impress  his  views  upon 
the  country  and  to  no  small  extent  influence  the  opinions  and 
actions  of  others  upon  important  public  questions. 

It  is  not  necessarily  the  case  that  those  in  official  position 
exert  the  greatest  influence  in  the  determination  of  public  mat 
ters  or  render  the  most  important  service  to  the  country.  In 
a  republican  government  like  our  own  a  well-defined  public 
opinion  upon  subjects  requiring  legislative  or  administrative 
action  must  sooner  or  later  be  heeded  and  obeyed.  It  may,  for 
a  time,  be  disregarded  and  even  contemned  and  despised,  but  it 
will  ultimately  assert  its  power  and  find  the  means  of  compel 
ling  obedience  to  its  behests.  He,  therefore,  who  enjoys  such 
a  measure  of  public  confidence  as  enables  him  to  direct  to  any 


44  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

considerable  extent  public  thought  and  opinion  will,  although 
in  private  life,  have  no  small  share  in  the  control  of  public 
affairs. 

One  thing  is  certain:  Governor  HENDRICKS  while  a  private 
citizen  (if  at  any  time  for  many  years  he  could  be  regarded  as 
such)  suffered  no  diminution  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen 
or  in  the  weight  and  influence  of  his  opinion  upon  their  judg 
ment  and  action.  He  had  for  a  long  time  been  recognized  as 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  trusted  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
party  of  his  State  and  of  the  country,  and  to  the  wisdom  of  his 
counsels  and  his  great  personal  popularity  as  its  candidate  for 
the  Vice- Presidency  is  that  party  largely  indebted  for  its  present 
control  of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government. 

It  would  not  be  proper  on  this  occasion  to  occupy  the  time 
requisite  to  speak  of  all  the  elements  that  entered  into  and  made 
up  the  symmetrical  character  of  Governor  HENDRICKS.  I  may, 
however,  be  allowed  to  refer  to  the  respect  he  entertained  and 
manifested  for  the  sentiments  and  wishes  of  the  body  of  the 
people.  No  station,  however  exalted,  could  sever  the  tie  of 
sympathy  which  united  him  to  them  or  render  him  jndifferent 
to  their  judgment  or  forgetful  of  their  interests.  This  was  no 
assumed  virtue,  but  a  tribute  paid  by  a  heart  instinctively  in 
harmony  with  the  popular  thought  and  feeling  to  the  honesty 
and  practical  good  sense  of  the  masses  of  mankind.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  too  many  public  men  undervalue  the 
average  intelligence  of  those  they  represent  and  do  not  pay  that 
deference  to  their  judgment  to  which  it  is  entitled.  Governor 
HENDRICKS  was  not  of  the  class  of  men  who  seek  to  magnify 
their  own  importance  by  refusing  recognition  of  merit  in  others, 
but  had  learned  from  personal  contact  to  place  a  proper  estimate 
upon  the  honesty  of  the  people  and  a  proper  respect  for  the 
deliberate  judgments  they  had  formed.  His  appreciation  of  his 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SAULSBURY,  OF  DELAWARE.  45 

fellow-citizens  was  reciprocated  on  their  part  by  the  attachment 
which  neither  success  nor  defeat  conld  interrupt  or  diminish. 

For  some  reason,  which  it  might  be  difficult  to  explain,  there 
seems  to  be  less  recognition  of  distinguished  service  and  worth 
in  civil  life  than  is  awarded  to  merit  in  another  sphere.  In  this 
and  perhaps  in  every  other  country  the  highest  value  is  placed 
upon  the  services  of  successful  military  men  and  the  highest 
honors  paid  to  their  memories  after  they  are  dead.  It  is  meet 
and  proper  that  full  and  just  acknowledgment  of  gratitude  should 
be  made  to  those  who  have  risked  their  lives  in  defense  of  their 
country's  rights  and  honor.  Is  there  any  reason  why  equal 
recognition  should  not  be  made  of  valuable  and  distinguished 
services  in  civil  life,  and  equal  honors  perpetuate  the  memories 
of  statesmen  who  have  served  their  country  with  no  less  fidelity 
and  zeal  for  its  honor  and  welfare? 

Washington  and  his  companions  in  arms  who  fought  the  bat 
tles  of  the  Revolution  and  achieved  the  independence  of  the 
Colonies  will  be  gratefully  remembered  while  patriotism  inspires 
the  human  heart  or  history  records  the  great  events  of  time. 
But  who  will  say  that  Washington  and  his  arm}-  in  the  field 
were  more  patriotic  or  rendered  more  valuable  service  to  the 
American  people  than  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Mad 
ison,  and  their  compatriots  in  council,  who  formulated  and  es 
tablished  our  republican  system  of  government  and  secured  to 
our  posterity  the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty? 

Thiers  concludes  his  History  of  the  Consulate  and  Empire  of 
Napoleon  by  a  brief  review  of  the  career  of  Alexander,  Han 
nibal,  and  Caesar  as  compared  with  that  of  the  emperor.  With 
the  achievements  of  these  great  captains  he  contrasts  the  life 
and  labors  of  Charlemagne,  who  in  the  ninth  century  threw  off 
the  barbarism  in  which  he  was  born  and  by  which  he  was  sur 
rounded  and  peacefully  united  the  alienated  portions  of  his 


46  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDR1CKS. 

country,  brought  order  out  of  confusion,  established  schools  for 
the  instruction  of  his  people,  and  elevated  them  from  barbarism 
to  a  fair  degree  of  enlightenment  and  civilization. 

I  shall  attempt  no  comparison  between  the  eminent  soldiers 
and  statesmen  of  our  own  country.  Their  fields  of  labor  and 
usefulness  have  lain  in  different  directions,  and  both  have  done 
well  in  the  spheres  in  which  they  have  been  called  to  act.  Both 
have  assisted  in  the  maintenance  of  free  institutions  in  the  land 
and  will. fill  honored  pages  in  their  country's  history.  It  may, 
however,  be  affirmed,  without  injustice  to  any,  that  constitu 
tional  government  and  individual  rights  in  this  as  well  as  every 
other  country  will  find  their  surest  protection  in  the  wisdom  and 
patriotism  of  the  men  who  make  and  execute  the  laws. 

There  have  not  been  wanting  at  any  time  since  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution  able  and  fearless  statesmen  to  uphold  and 
defend  the  full  measure  of  liberty  which  it  was  intended  to  se 
cure  to  the  American  people.  May  we  not  indulge  the  hope 
that  the  future  history  of  the  country  shall  witness  no  abatement 
in  the  devotion  of  her  public  men  to  the  free  institutions  which 
are  the  birthright  and  should  ever  be  the  heritage  of  her  citi 
zens  ? 

The  past  is  safe.  Whatever  may  be  the  destiny  of  the  Re 
public,  its  century  of  history  has  been  marked  by  unparalleled 
advancement  in  material  wealth  and  prosperity  and  a  greater 
degree  of  freedom  and  happiness  to  its  citizens  than  was  ever 
before  vouchsafed  to  any  portion  of  the  human  race. 

The  perpetuation  of  constitutional  government  and  the  lib 
erty  which  it  secures,  by  maintaining  the  checks  and  balances 
imposed  upon  the  co-ordinate  departments  of  the  Government, 
and  while  upholding  in  full  force  and  vigor  the  just  powers  of 
Federal  authority,  opposing  with  manly  firmness  every  at 
tempted  encroachment  upon  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the 


A  DDK  ESS  OF  MR.  EVARTS,  OF  NEW  YORK.  47 

reserved  rights  of  the  States,  is  the  obligation  resting  upon 
American  statesmen  in  every  period  of  the  country's  history. 

In  the  discharge  of  that  duty  Governor  HENDRICKS,  in  his 
day  and  generation,  performed  well  his  part,  and  has  left  to  pos 
terity  the  results  of  a  useful  life,  a  spotless  record,  and  an  hon 
ored  name. 


Address  of  Mr.  EVARTS,  of  New  York. 

When,  Mr.  President,  in  the  arrangements  by  which  the  Sen 
ate  should  so  properly  offer  the  tribute  of  its  respect  and  affec 
tion  in  memory  of  one  whose  loss  they  deplore,  it  was  thought 
right  to  include  myself  among  those  who  should  participate  in 
the  presentation  of  the  feelings  of  the  Senate,  it  would  seem, 
perhaps,  that  no  other  relations  would  have  suggested  the  pro 
priety  of  this  selection  except  as  an  observer  of  the  distinguished 
career  of  a  member  of  an  opposite  party  and  a  citizen  of  a  dis 
tant  State. 

But  it  so  happens  that  I  had  a  very  considerable  acquaintance 
with  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  dating  to  quite  an  early  period  in  his 
public  career.  When  in  attendance  upon  the  Supreme  Court, 
many  years  ago,  I  first  formed  his  personal  acquaintance;  and 
then,  at  an  age  when  probably  he  was  not  far  advanced  beyond 
that  of  middle  life,  as  it  is  construed,  he  was  pointed  out  to  me 
as  a  person  of  interest,  and  who  should  engage  my  attention, 
as  one  who,  in  the  career  upon  which  he  had  entered,  and  from 
the  progress  which  he  had  made  in  it,  was,  naturally  and  proba 
bly,  a  future  candidate  for,  and  successful  aspirant  to,  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  However  strange  it  seemed 
to  me  that  so  early  in  a  man's  career  so  great  prognostics  could 
be  safely  or  wisely  made  of  him,  from  that  time  onward  there 
has  never  been  an  occasion  in  which  I  have  been  brought  into 


48  /,//'Yi   AND  CHARACTER   OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

relations  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS  that  it  did  not  recall  to  my 
mind  that  sentiment  and  that  expectation  respecting  him. 

About  twenty  years  ago,  too,  it  came  in  my  way,  in  the  prac 
tice  of  my  profession,  to  represent  great  interests  in  an  important 
lawsuit  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  in  which  was  arrayed  against 
us  a  numerous  body  of  the  important  and  powerful  members 
of  our  profession  in  that  great  State,  so  full  of  excellent  lawyers. 
The  aid  also  of  Governor  HENDRICKS,  from  his  neighboring 
State,  was  called  in  by  our  opponents.  I  had  then  an  opportu 
nity  not  only  of  forming  myself  an  opinion  of  his  abilities  and 
his  force  as  a  lawyer,'  but  also  of  perceiving  the  impression 
he  made  upon  the  public  about  him,  on  the  profession  of  the 
two  States,  and  on  their  judiciary.  From  all  this  a  lawyer 
might  fairly  form  during  the  period  of  the  trial,  which  lasted  a 
fortnight,  an  estimate,  and  a  correct  estimate,  of  the  power  and 
value  of  another.  As  I  recall  the  matter,  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was 
regarded  upon  the  other  side  as  the  leader  in  that  array,  and 
upon  our  side  was  felt  as  the  most  formidable  and  the  most 
competent  contestant. 

But  on  a  later  scene  of  much  greater  import  I  also  had  an 
opportunity  to  estimate  the  character,  the  eloquence,  the  intelli 
gence,  the  courage  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  and  the  value  of  his  con 
stitutional  opinions.  I  mean  on  the  great  occasion  of  the  im 
peachment  of  the  President.  In  this  Chamber,  as  I  recall  the 
trial,  the  division  between  parties  was  such  that  thirty-five  rep 
resented  the  full  Senate  of  the  Republicans  and  but  twelve 
Democratic  Senators  were  present  to  counterbalance  in  any 
form  or  any  degree  this  superiority  of  numbers.  During  the 
three  months  of  that  great  debate,  and  in  the  course  of  the  de 
livery  of  opinions,  so  fully  made  up  by  the  contributions  from 
the  Senators  on  the  Republican  side  and  the  few  who  could 
participate  on  the  part  of  the  Democratic  party,  it  may  be  easily 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  EVARTS,   OF  NEW  YORK'.  49 

understood  that  Mr.  HENDRICKS  (who  then,  I  think,  it  must 
be  admitted,  held  the  lead  of  that  small  band  of  Democrats  who 
then  occupied  seats  in  the  Senate)  was  relied  on  on  that  side 
of  the  Chamber  for  his  wisdom,  for  his  courage,  for  his  ability 
as  a  lawyer,  for  his  learning  and  experience  in  constitutional 
matters  of  debate. 

I  think  now,  as  I  thought  then,  that  among  the  eminent  men 
who  took  part  in  the  preparation  and  delivery  of  opinions,  and 
those  who  took  part  in  the  debates,  not  infrequent,  of  an  inter 
locutory  nature,  no  man  appeared  better  in  his  composure  of 
spirit,  in  his  calmness  of  judgment,  in  the  circumspect  and  care 
ful  deliberation  with  which,  avoiding  extreme  extravagances, 
he  drew  the  line  which  should  mark  out  fidelity  to  the  Consti 
tution,  as  distinguished  from  addiction  to  the  supremacy  of 
party  interests  and  party  passions. 

Of  course,  during  that  period  the  proprieties  of  my  position 
did  not  permit  personal  intercourse  with  Senators  upon  either 
side;  but  during  the  many  days,  the  many  hours  of  each  day, 
that  this  great  transaction  passed  before  my  eyes,  and  recalling 
them  now,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  was  no  position,  there  was 
no  argument,  there  was  no  purpose  and  no  plan  in  the  conduct 
of  that  debate,  as  represented  by  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  that  was  not 
in  accordance  with  the  whole  duty  of  a  Senator  performing  a 
grave  part  in  one  of  the  greatest  political  transactions  that  any 
free  government  has  had  or  shall  have  occasion  to  witness. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  just  twenty-five  years  ago  that,  in  the 
last  days  of  this  same  month  of  January,  a  Senator  from  Mis 
sissippi  bade,  as  he  expressed  it  in  his  own  phrase,  a  final  adieu 
to  the  Senate,  in  obedience  to  his  obligations  to  his  State.  As 
we  in  memory  recall  the  perilous  experiments  upon  the  Consti 
tution,  upon  the  Government,  upon  the  power  of  this  nation,  that 
were  practiced  by  and  during  the  civil  war,  and  as  we  now  find 
S.  Mis.  120 4 


50  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICKS. 

that  this  Chamber  is  full — every  State  represented  in  its  full  com 
petency  under  the  Constitution,  this  alley  dividing,  in  scarcely 
unequal  strength,  the  two  parties — as  we  witness  the  reciprocal 
respect  and  kindness  between  the  members  of  the  two  great  par 
ties  represented  on  this  floor,  we  cannot  but  feel  that  not  from 
the  foundation  of  this  Government  to  the  present  time,  nor  un 
der  the  ancient  governments  who  count  in  their  parliamentary 
duration  hundreds  of  years,  will  you  find  a  nearer  approach  in 
personal  kindness  and  mutual  respect  between  opposite  parties 
than  now  mark  the  sentiments  and  the  conduct  toward  each 
other  of  these  two  political  parties.  Yet,  as  I  have  said,  but 
twenty-five  years  have  elapsed  between  that  opening  event 
that  I  have  adverted  to  and  this  present  scene  of  common  respect 
over  the  bier  of  the  deceased  Vice-President. 

Sir  Robert  Peel  once  said,  on  a  fitting  occasion,  to  Lord 
Brougham,  that  "the  contact  of  party  produces  a  warmth  of 
feeling  toward  those  who  sit  around  us  ;  but  the  eye  is  a  cold 
and  jealous  scrutinizer  of  those  who  are  opposite  to  us. ' '  What 
ever  distrust  should  qualify,  therefore,  on  this  side  of  the  Sen 
ate,  our  estimate  of  the  leader  of  an  opposing  party  conducting 
his  career  while  the  country  was  under  the  stress  of  its  threat 
ened  division,  and  its  restoration  was  attended  by  the  aggrava 
tions  and  solicitudes  that  marked  its  progress  to  our  present 
firm  security,  I  think  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  that  looking  at 
those  who  are  opposite  to  us — that  looking  at  the  whole  matter 
and  running  over  the  principal  occurrences  and  the  principal 
relations  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  to  them,  this  Republican  party 
would  have  at  all  times  felt  that  he  was  fairly  entitled  from  his 
own  party — in  their  opinions,  in  their  affections,  in  their  .sup 
port — to  the  highest  places  that  their  suffrages  should  be  able  to 
offer  to  him. 

Something  has  been  said  about  his  being  a  partisan.     I  know 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  EVARTS,   OF  NEW  YORK.  51 

by  no  instruction  of  my  observation,  nor  by  anything  that  I  can 
draw  from  history,  any  other  mode  of  conducting  the  debates  of 
a  great  and  free  people  except  by  means  of  great  and  firm  par 
ties.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  steadfast  and  intrepid  adhesion 
to  a  party  is  a  merit,  and  I  believe  that  political  contests  fail 
much  of  their  service  to  the  country  when  steadfast  and  intrepid 
adherence  to  political  leaders  is  neglected  on  the  part  of  the 
mass  of  a  party. 

Whatever  be  the  debates  in  human  affairs  that  best  illustrate 
the  contests  of  party  under  a  free  government,  whether  they  are 
best  likened  to  the  litigations  of  the  profession  before  the  courts 
or  to  battles  between  combatants  upon  the  scenes  and  perils  of 
war,  I  believe  that  it  is  equally  essential  to  the  service  in  all 
these  forms  that  there  should  be  neither  betrayal  nor  desertion 
on  the  one  side,  nor  timidity  or  hesitation  on  the  other  part. 
Undoubtedly,  irretrievably  for  the  time,  the  issues  involved 
may  be  lost  where  these  disparaging  elements  of  a  manly  con 
test  shall  intervene,  but  nevertheless  such  inconclusive  and 
spurious  determinations  tend  to  inflame  the  unassuaged  animos 
ities  and  provoke  a  renewal  of  the  old  hostilities. 

I  may  say  then,  Mr.  President,  that  my  estimate  of  the  late 
Vice-President  is  that  of  an  eminent  lawyer.  Certainly  his 
eloquence  was  persuasive  and  effective.  Certainly  his  method 
of  forensic  address  was  quite  admirably  free  of  all  superfluity. 
If  it  be  truly  said,  as  I  believe  it  is  truly  said,  that  the  greatest 
trait  in  the  greatest  of  orators,  notwithstanding  all  the  splendor 
of  his  eloquence,  Demosthenes,  was  that,  more  than  all  other 
orators,  he  was  distinguished  by  the  fact  of  the  absolute  direct 
ness  with  which  every  movement  in  his  conduct  of  the  debate 
was  governed,  that  no  superfluous  word  was  used,  none  taken 
for  ornament  but  always  for  effect,  we  must,  at  least  in  our  pro- 


52  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

fession,  consider  these  traits  that  I  have  ascribed  to  the  forensic 
eloquence  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  worthy  of  admiration. 

As  a  statesman,  if  he  has  been  more  usually  looked  at  in 
the  aspect  to  which  I  have  referred,  as  a  great  political  leader, 
it  will  be  found,  I  think,  that  he  was  always  governed  by  inborn 
convictions,  and  that  he  was  directed,  in  the  particular  situa 
tions,  by  inbred  opinions.  I  do  not  find  in  his  career  any  of 
that  versatility  of  opinion  for  the  nonce  or  of  alliance  to  this 
or  that  particular  movement  that  was  to  affect  for  the  present 
time  only.  He  was  always  of  that  sentiment  which  he  ascribed 
to  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  if  it 
might  be  unhappy  for  him,  as  it  was  unhappy  for  all  of  us,  that 
there  should  have  been  such  a  severe  and  peremptory  discrim 
ination  in  the  antagonisms  between  the  two  parties  from  the 
gravity  and  the  stress  of  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  nevertheless  I 
take  it  it  must  be  said  that  he  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  having 
been  a  consistent,  an  intelligent,  a  prudent,  a  patient,  and  a 
courageous  statesman  in  the  service  of  the  Democratic  party, 
which  he  had  espoused  and  to  which  he  unflinchingly  adhered. 

Mr.  President,  these  ceremonies  and  these  eulogies  in  the 
presence  of  the  dead  are  never  formal  and  never  commonplace. 
However  frequently  brought  to  the  notice  of  mortals,  death  is 
never  formal  and  never  commonplace.  However  men  may  lead 
their  lives,  in  the  market-place,  in  the  courts,  in  the  Senate,  at 
the  head  of  armies,  in  the  crowds  of  popular  applause,  a  man 
must  always  die  alone.  Whether  death  shall  approach  us  in 
the  form  of  a  sudden  summons,  a  tragic  fate,  or  by  slow  prog 
ress,  sensibly  to  ourselves,  visibly  to  those  around  us,  the  eye 
shall  grow  dim  and  the  natural  force  abate,  death  is  a  fearful 
visitor.  Whether  his  intrusion  overtakes  one  in  the  towers  of 
kings  or  in  the  cabins  of  the  poor,  the  supreme  event,  wherein 
this  mortal  puts  on  immortality,  swallows  up  all  incidents  and 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  RANSOM,  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.  53 

circumstances  as  trivial  and  impertinent.  From  these  contem 
plations,  Mr.  President,  whether  in  the  close  chamber  of  the 
dying  or  on  the  wide  scene  of  public  bereavement  and  national 
lamentation,  the  wisest  may  learn  new  wisdom  and  the  boldest 
feel  the  mastery  of  an  invincible  antagonist. 


Address  of  Mr.  RANSOM,  of  North  Carolina. 

Mr.  President,  it  was  with  no  ordinary  emotion  that  I  re 
ceived  the  request  of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Indiana  to 
unite  in  rendering  these  solemn  honors  to  the  late  Vice-Presi 
dent.  When  I  thought  of  the  profound  sorrow  with  which 
North  Carolina  was  stricken  at  the  death  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS, 
and  the  sincere  regard  which  her  people  in  their  hearts  had  for 
years  cherished  for  his  character,  I  knew  that  I  could  not  ade 
quately  express  their  deep  sympathy  in  the  supreme  bereave 
ment  of  Indiana,  nor  their  grief  at  the  great  loss  which  the 
whole  country  had  sustained. 

It  is  no  common  tie  that  binds  together  the  people  of  these 
two  States.  The  sons  and  daughters  of  North  Carolina  were 
among  the  earliest  settlers  of  Indiana,  and  of  all  the  States  of  the 
mighty  West  Indiana  still  presents  the  most  attractive  homes  to 
the  emigrants  from  North  Carolina.  There  is  scarcely  a  fireside 
in  that  beautiful  State  around  which,  I  am  told,  some  hallowed 
North  Carolina  association  does  not  linger,  and  but  few  family 
circles  in  whose  veins  the  blood  of  North  Carolina  fathers  or 
mothers  does  not  flow.  Nor  will  North  Carolina  soon  forget 
that  the  distinguished  subject  of  these  services,  recognizing  the 
claims  which  her  Revolutionary  patriots  had  to  the  gratitude 
of  mankind,  left  his  home  across  the  Ohio  and  came  to  Char 
lotte,  in  that  State,  to  unite  with  her  people  on  the  2Oth  of  May, 
1875,  in  commemorating  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 


54 


LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRTCKS. 


immortal  day  on  which  the  "Men  of  Mecklenburg"  proclaimed 
the  ' '  first  declaration  of  independence ' '  in  America. 

Mr.  President,  the  duty  of  rendering  appropriate  and  truth 
ful  testimony  to  the  life  and  services  of  Indiana's  great  son  has 
been  so  well  performed  by  his  distinguished  friend,  the  Senator 
from  that  State,  that  nothing  can  add  force  or  luster  to  the  pre 
sentment  which  he  has  made.  That  presentment  is  now  en 
rolled  in  the  Senate,  and  I  must  say  here,  sir,  that  it  will  take 
its  place  among  the  best  monuments  of  either  ancient  or  modern 
times  that  friendship  and  affection,  aided  by  learning  and  elo 
quence,  have  erected  to  those  who  deserved  them.  If,  sir,  all 
record  of  the  life  and  services  of  the  late  Vice-President  should 
be  obliterated,  his  name  would  be  preserved  for  long  ages  in 
that  precious  casket  in  which  the  genius  and  the  devotion  of  his 
friend  has  enshrined  his  memory.  The  Vice-President  was  fort 
unate  in  his  biographer ;  the  generous  Senator  was  fortunate 
in  his  subject.  I  can  but  repeat  the  feeblest  echoes  of  that  grand 
tribute  from  a  friend  to  a  friend. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  estimate  the  value  to  mankind  of  a 
great  and  good  life.  Custom  and  experience  have  assigned 
prices  to  most  of  the  treasures  of  the  world,  but  no  effort  of  the 
mind  has  been  able  to  measure  and  determine  the  worth  of  a 
great  character.  No  comprehensible  limits  can  be  affixed  to 
the  extent,  the  continuance,  the  diversity,  and  the  power  of  its 
influences  for  good.  Ivike  the  sun  giving  perpetual  heat  and 
light  to  the  material  universe,  a  great  and  good  man  is  a  source 
of  intelligence  and  beneficence  to  the  whole  human  family 
through  all  time.  Nor  do  the  trifling  spots  upon  the  sun  nor 
the  similar  imperfections  of  the  man  sensibly  diminish  the 
splendor  or  the  usefulness  of  either. 

It  is  in  the  contemplation  of  a  very  distinguished  life  and 
character  that  we  are  now  engaged.  We,  Mr.  President,  are  too 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  RANSOM,  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.  55 

near  Mr.  HENDRICKS  to  write  his  history.  Time  is  the  essential 
element  of  just  history,  and  to  that  tribunal  must  be  referred 
the  final  judgment  of  all  the  actions  of  men.  The  late  Vice- 
President  is  still  almost  one  of  us ;  his  very  image  is  before  us 
as  he  sat  in  the  chair  which  you  occupy  and  presided  over  the 
Senate.  We  can  almost  behold  him  now — his  form,  his  face, 
his  every  action  ;  his  very  words  seem  to  linger  with  their  soft 
tones  on  our  ears  ;  his  shadow  has  barely  passed  the  doors  of  the 
Senate  Chamber.  The  excitement  of  one  of  the  greatest  polit 
ical  contests  in  history  in  which  he  was  a  leader  has  not  sub 
sided  in  our  bosoms.  We  are  not  his  best  judges  ;  but  this  we 
all  do  know  of  him  ;  it  is  in  letters  of  living  light  before  our 
eyes  :  Here  was  a  man  who  for  forty-three  years  was  conspicu 
ously  before  the  public  gaze  ;  first  as  a  lawyer  in  the  courts  of 
justice,  that  siirest  ordeal  to  test  character ;  then  successively 
in  the  legislature  of  his  State,  the  convention  that  framed  the 
State  constitution,  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States,  in  a  high  position  in  an  Executive  Department  of  the 
Government,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  governor  of  his 
State,  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  twice 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  and  for  sixteen  years,  from  1868 
to  1884,  was  the  choice  of  his  State  and  a  large  proportion  of 
his  party  for  President. 

For  two  generations  of  men,  two  ages,  he  was  in  the  public 
service,  constantly  passing  through  the  fires  of  adverse  criticism, 
standing  in  the  front  battle-lines  of  party  conflict,  not  only  in 
peace  but  through  war,  not  only  in  the  councils  of  his  State  and 
the  forums  of  the  Union,  but  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  his  Com 
monwealth  and  in  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and 
there  was  not  one  blot  or  stain  or  shadow  upon  his  robes.  There 
was  not  a  spot  in  his  armor  which  had  not  received  and  re 
pelled  the  spear  of  an  adversary.  In  the  high  temples  of  justice 


56  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND RICKS. 

and  at  the  more  sacred  altars  of  home  he  was  the  same  unsullied 
minister. 

Search  the  annals  of  public  men  for  centuries  past  and  you 
will  find  but  few  parallels  to  this  career.  As  we  contemplate 
the  series  of  these  remarkable  facts  of  his  life,  this  long  line  of 
successes,  these  ever-ascending  steps  up  the  temple  of  fame  to 
its  very  summit,  this  circle  of  unbroken  confidence,  beginning  at 
his  home,  embracing  a  county,  extending  throughout  a  district, 
expanding  over  a  State,  widening,  enlarging  over  a  country  of 
fifty  millions  of  people,  and  still  deepening  at  the  center  where 
it  began,  we  shall  know  that  all  this  was  not  the  result  of  for 
tune  or  art  or  adventitious  circumstance,  but  that  the  grand 
superstructure  of  his  life  was  laid  in  deep  and  solid  foundations, 
and  reared  in  harmonious  and  enduring  proportions. 

Nothing,  sir,  but  great  intellectual  ability,  high  moral  excel 
lence,  invariable  devotion  to  duty,  and  unwavering  faith  in  the 
rectitude  of  his  purposes  could  have  achieved  and  maintained 
such  results.  The  law  of  such  a  life  must  have  been  a  con 
stant  aspiration  for  what  was  higher  and  better.  It  is  a  diffi 
cult  undertaking  to  deceive  continually  one  human  being;  it  is 
simply  an  impossibility  to  impose  for  years  on  millions  of 
people.  From  the  incredulity,  jealousy,  suspicion,  and  scru 
tiny  of  such  a  host  of  watchers  all  the  artifices  of  the  subtlest 
political  magician  could  not  hide  every  trace  of  corruption  or 
infidelity. 

It  would  require,  Mr.  President,  the  genius  of  a  Macaulay  to 
analyze  and  delineate  the  qualities  and  traits  that  constituted 
the  strength  and  grace  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  character.  It  will 
be  an  interesting  and  instructive  study  to  the  young  statesmen 
of  our  country.  They  will  find  in  it  a  model  which  it  will  be 
well  to  respect  and  difficult  to  improve.  What  was  the  mys 
tery  of  his  ever-increasing  and  enduring  strength  with  the  peo- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  RANSOM,  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.  57 

pie?  Why  was  there  no  shipwreck  to  his  sails?  Why  was 
there  no  eclipse  of  that  luminary?  What  made  him  the  first 
man  in  the  popular  confidence  of  his  State,  and  second  to  no 
man  in  the  esteem  of  the  American  people  ?  What  carried  him 
safely  and  triumphantly  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  long, 
eventful,  and  trying  public  life?  It  was  not  military  glory,  for 
he  was  never  a  soldier.  It  was  not  eloquence,  for  he  was  not, 
like  Webster,  an  orator  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word.  It 
was  not  charm  of  manner,  for,  though  gracious  and  pleasant, 
he  had  not  cultivated,  like  Chesterfield,  the  arts  of  grace  as  a 
means  to  an  end.  He  originated  no  great  popular  measures,  like 
Chatham  and  Clay.  He  never,  like  Crassus,  possessed  large 
wealth  with  which  to  win  popular  favor. 

The  whole  truth  is,  sir,  that  he  was  the  earnest,  faithful,  de 
voted  champion  and  defender  of  the  people's  rights. 

The  sincerity  of  his  devotion  was  the  charm  of  his  success. 
He  was  prudent,  sagacious,  laborious,  wise.  He  consulted  the 
people's  interest  just  as  he  would  have  consulted  his  own  in 
terest.  He  never  undertook  to  mislead,  to  deceive,  or  to  in 
flame  them.  He  never  trifled  with  their  liberties,  their  prop 
erty,  or  their  honor.  He  never  attempted  to  dazzle  them  with 
false  and  glittering  hopes,  or  to  madden  their  prejudices  and 
precipitate  them  into  desperate  perils.  He  was  a  brave,  cau 
tious,  vigilant  pilot,  never  departing  from  his  chart  or  neglect 
ing  his  compass.  His  positions  were  thoughtfully  taken,  se 
curely  fortified,  and  boldly  defended.  He  was  never  surprised 
or  deluded.  He  was  misled  by  no  false  lights.  He  was  so 
thoroughly  prepared  and  equipped  by  labor,  study,  and  attain 
ment  that  he  was  always  ready  for  and  equal  to  the  occasion. 
He  was  a  sentinel  who  never  left  the  post  of  duty. 

He  was  not  like  noble  Hector,  towering  over  all  the  Trojans, 
but  betrayed  by  proud  hopes  into  fatal  indiscretion. 


58  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEN D RICKS. 

He  was  not,  like  Achilles,  superior  alike  to  Greeks  and  Tro 
jans,  but  cursed  with  passions  stronger  than  himself  and  driven 
by  mad  revenge  from  the  field  of  honor  and  dnty  to  his  sullen 
tents.  But  he  was  like  Diomede  and  Ulysses,  those  pillars  of 
the  canse  of  Greece,  ever  sagacious,  faithful,  and  prepared. 
Like  them,  he  bore  reverses  with  dignity  and  composure,  and 
was  equally  modest  and  reserved  in  victory.  Like  them,  he 
was  ' '  equal  to  either  fortune. ' '  He  loved  law  and  order  and 
abhorred  chaos.  Like  Socrates,  he  obeyed  if  he  did  not  respect 
the  law,  and,  like  that  greatest  of  Athenian  patriots,  would  with 
his  last  breath  have  sacrificed  to  the  law,  as  to  the  majesty  of 
his  country,  even  if  it  destroyed  himself.  He  was  never  eccen 
tric  or  meteoric  or  convulsive;  and  though  he  never  shone  with 
the  magnitude  and  intense  splendor  of  Aldebaran,  he  yet  con 
stantly  exhibited  the  virtue  and  energy  of  the  paler  and  serener 
star  whose  truth  never  varies.  If  he  was  not  a  Moses  leading 
his  people  from  Egyptian  darkness  through  the  wilderness, 
striking  water  from  the  rock  and  invoking  bread  from  the  skies, 
he  was  the  ever-faithful  Joshua,  "strong  and  very  courageous, 
observing  all  the  law  as  it  was  commanded  nnto  him,  and  turn 
ing  not  from  it  to  the  right  or  to  the  left,  and  prospering  where 
soever  he  went.11 

He  did  not  stand  among  men  like  some  majestic  mountain 
with  its  prond  head  in  the  clouds  wrapt  in  snow,  an  object  of 
wonder  and  astonishment  to  all  who  behold  it,  but  his  life  re 
sembled  the  beautiful  plain  beneath,  studded  with  cities,  villages, 
and  happy  homes,  refreshed  by  cooling  streams,  abounding  in 
fruitful  fields,  and  bearing  on  its  bosom  the  comforts  and  the 
blessings  of  men.  He  was  alwrays  practical,  useful,  and  efficient. 
He  seems  to  me  to  have  taken  color  and  character  from  that 
great  line  of  English  statesmen  who  for  eight  hundred  years 
have  steadily  maintained  and  advanced  the  growth  of  liberty 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  RANSOM,  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.  59 

and  law,  and  wisely  avoided  the  convulsions  and  upheavals  and 
collapses  of  the  neighboring  nations.  His  life  and  character 
were  complete  and  rounded  as  a  circle,  and  resemble  the  writ 
ings  of  Addison,  of  which  it  may  be  truly  said  that  they  are  so 
simple,  so  pure,  so  strong,  so  full  of  grace,  and  so  free  from 
grossness,  so  clear  with  light,  and  so  consistent  with  reason, 
that  nothing  can  be  added  to  them  without  marring  their 
beauty  and  nothing  can  be  detracted  from  them  without  im 
pairing  their  force. 

As  Mr.  HEXDRICKS  had  been  fortunate  in  life,  so  was  he 
happy  in  the  time  and  manner  of  his  death.  While  yet  in  the 
full  maturity  and  undiminished  vigor  of  his  faculties,  with  not 
one  ray  of  his  remarkable  intelligence  obscured  or  dimmed, 
honored  among  all  men,  in  the  declining  year,  in  the  beautiful 
autumn,  before  hoary  winter  has  laid  his  icy  hand  upon  the 
bosom  of  nature,  at  that  ripe  season  when  the  yellow  fields  are 
rendering  up  all  their  richest  harvests,  at  his  own  home,  in  the 
bosom  of  those  whom  he  loved  and  who  loved  him,  he  passed 
without  a  pang  from  this  world,  with  hallowed  accents  on  his 
lips  of  the  reality  of  that  perfect  "freedom"  which  is  the  aspi 
ration  of  good  men  everywhere.  How  beautiful  is  the  sunset 
of  autumn  when  twilight  gently  lingers  between  day  and  night, 
and  the  glory  of  the  sun  does  not  retire  until  the  curtain  is 
softly  lifted  and  the  glory  of  the  stars  appears.  Fitting  crown 
to  the  life  of  a  Christian  statesman  in  a  Government  whose 
vital  fire  is  religious  liberty. 

And,  sir,  to  me,  I  must  say,  speaking  from  my  heart,  that  the 
death  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  and  of  the  other  illustrious  men  of  our 
country  which  immediately  preceded  it  were  fortunate  in  illus 
trating  the  great,  supreme,  blessed  truth  that  we  are  again  all 
one  people,  united  together  in  affection  to  each  other  in  a  com 
mon  and  devoted  love  to  our  whole  country,  its  liberties  and 


60  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

honor.  From  all  the  Southern  States  come  up  sincere,  deep, 
overflowing  sympathy  and  sorrow  at  the  bereavement  of  their 
Northern  sisters.  Our  tears  mingle  with  yours  over  the  graves 
of  your  great  dead,  your  countrymen  and  our  countrymen. 
Thank  Almighty  God  that  the  "everlasting  covenant"  of  our 
Union  is  established  in  the  hearts  of  all  our  people,  and  that  in 
the  clouds  of  this  sorrow  we  can  behold  the  bow  of  peace  never 
to  be  broken. 


Address  of  Mr.  SPOONER,  of  Wisconsin. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  affect  to  believe  that  I  can  worthily 
add  to  the  eloquent  and  impressive  eulogies  which  have  been 
pronounced  in  the  hearing  of  the  Senate,  but  I  desire  neverthe 
less  to  speak  a  word  of  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Mr.  HRN- 
DRICKS.  On  the  day  he  became  Vice-President  I  came  a 
stranger  into  the  Senate,  and  as  I  stood  before  him  to  take  from 
his  lips  the  oath  of  office,  he  gave  to  me,  as  a  native  of  Indiana 
and  the  son  of  one  whom  in  years  long  gone  he  had  known  in 
professional  life,  a  warm  and  friendly  greeting,  and  later,  during 
the  executive  session,  he  supplemented  that  greeting  by  cour 
tesy  so  considerate  and  kindly,  that  I  have  felt  in  his  death 
something  of  the  sense  of  personal  loss. 

The  occasion  on  which  I  remember  last  to  have  seen  him  in 
the  discharge  of  official  duty  in  this  Chamber  I  shall  never 
forget.  Standing  in  his  place  there,  with  ill-concealed  emotion, 
and  in  tones  which  were  low  and  trembling,  he  invited  our  at 
tention  to  a  dispatch  just  received,  and  there  came  to  us  from 
the  Secretary's  desk  the  words  (happily  then  not  quite  true), 
"General  Grant  is  dying,"  which  hushed  every  sound  here, 
bowed  every  head,  and  made  the  Senate  in  its  sorrow  that  after 
noon  a  representative  body  of  all  the  people.  How  little  we 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SPOONER,  OF  WISCONSIN.  6  I 

thought  that  before  the  autumn  should  have  come  and  gone  the 
familiar  face  then  before  us  would  fade  forever  from  the  sight 
of  men. 

The  appropriate  details  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  life,  public,  pro 
fessional,  and  private,  have  been  eloquently  traced  by  the  Sena 
tor  from  his  State,  his  personal  and  political  friend. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  belonged  to  a  school  in  politics  to  which  the 
associations  and  convictions  of  my  life  have  brought  me  into 
bitter  hostility,  and  of  course  I  cannot  speak  in  approval  of  his 
attitude  upon  the  great  questions  of  the  past,  upon  which  the 
people  of  the  country  divided  on  party  and  sectional  lines.  To 
one  or  two  phases  of  his  career  and  belief  I  may,  however, 
properly  advert. 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  convictions,  and  he  had  little  respect 
for  those  who  were  otherwise.  He  was  in  no  sense  or  way  a 
trimmer  in  politics,  although  the  contrary  has  been  asserted 
of  him.  No  public  man  ever  lived  to  whom  the  favor  and  ap 
proval  of  the  masses  were  sweeter  than  they  were  to  Mr.  HRX- 
DRICKS.  Few  public  men  ever  lived  whose  course  evoked  bit 
terer  criticism  from  opponents  than  did  his  at  times.  The  fact 
that  he  preferred  to  stem  the  tide  of  popular  sentiment  rather 
than  to  walk  the  easy,  open  way  to  popular  favor  is  at  least  con 
clusive  of  the  strength  of  his  convictions. 

It  had  not  long  before  his  death  become  fashionable  in  some 
quarters  to  speak  of  him  as  a  "spoilsman."  If  by  this  was 
meant  that  he  desired  the  bestowal  of  office  as  a  mere  reward 
for  party  service  upon  unfit  men  or  in  violation  of  existing  law, 
I  believe,  from  conversation  with  him  upon  the  subject,  that 
the  accusation  was  utterly  groundless. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  heart  and  soul  a  Democrat.  He 
thoroughly  believed  in  his  party  and  in  its  principles.  Indeed, 
I  think  if  he  might  give  direction  to  our  words  to-day  he  would 


62  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

bid  us  say  of  him  that  he  was  a  partisan  Democrat.  He  rightly 
thought  that  politics  should  be  a  matter  of  conviction,  and  that 
every  man  of  firm  political  faith  owed  it  to  himself  and  to  the 
country  to  be  a  partisan,  in  this,  at  least,  that  he  should  labor 
earnestly,  and  in  all  fit  ways  best  suited  to  his  mental  make-up 
and  to  his  surroundings,  to  promote  the  success  of  the  princi 
ples  in  which  he  believed.  To  him  no  political  partisanship, 
honorable  in  its  methods,  was  offensive.  He  fully  realized  the 
value  of  organization.  He  knew  that  no  great  charity  even 
could  be  administered  without  it,  and  that  the  command  laid 
upon  the  apostles,  "Go  ye  into  all  the  world  and  preach  the 
gospel  to  every  creature,"  cannot  be  efficiently  obeyed  without 
organized  effort  and  partisan  service.  He  recognized  the  plain 
necessity  for  party  organization,  and  in  the  party  he  saw  only  the 
instrumentality  through  which,  and  through  which  alone, 
might  be  wrought  out  the  triumph  of  his  principles. 

In  active,  faithful,  honorable  party  service  he  saw,  therefore, 
devotion  to  principle,  not  mere  lust  for  office.  He  believed  that 
the  party  clothed  by  the  popular  will  with  the  responsibility  of 
administration  should  everywhere  intrust  the  execution  of  its 
policies  to  those  who  were  in  political  sympathy  with  it  and 
who  had  at  heart  its  continued  and  completest  success.  He  be 
lieved  that  those  of  the  ruling  party  who  had  done  the  most 
and  sacrificed  the  most  in  honorable  active  party  effort  should, 
if  fit  for  public  duty,  be  by  that  party  everywhere  first  called 
to  public  service.  Steadfastness  in  faith  he  thought  reasonably 
entitled  to  the  honor  of  such  recognition.  He  saw  it  thus  in  law, 
in  medicine,  in  science,  in  business,  in  education,  and  in  every 
other  department  of  mental  and  physical  effort,  and  he  could 
not  embrace  a  new  philosophy  which  in  politics  alone  denied  it 
a  place. 

He  had  a  tender  feeling  in  his  heart  for  the  men  who  for 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SPOOXER,  OF  WISCONSIN.  63 

twenty-four  years,  in  sunshine  and  in  storm,  had  led  his  party 
again  and  again  to  certain  defeat,  who  had  kept  alive  its  organ 
ization  in  every  State  and  county  and  town,  and  who  had,  by 
unwavering  allegiance  and  effort,  made  possible  its  ultimate 
success;  and  he  could  not  brook,  with  any  degree  of  patience, 
the  suggestion,  in  the  hour  of  his  party's  triumph,  that  such 
men  should  be  reproachfully  termed  "politicians"  and  denied 
recognition  lest  some  political  "esthete1'  should  say,  "it  is  a 
reward  for  party  service. ' ' 

The  imputation  that  he  was  a  "spoilsman"  rather  angered 
than  it  grieved  him,  for  he  knew  it  came  from  those  who  had 
either  been  of  a  hostile  camp,  or,  if  of  his  own,  had  been  wont 
to  linger  in  the  shade  and  slumber  while  he  and  the  "boys,"  as 
he  loved  sometimes  to  call  the  party  workers,  had  borne  the 
heat  and  dust  and  burden  of  the  battle. 

Spoilsman  or  not,  he  went  down  to  his  grave  loved,  trusted, 
and  mourned  by  his  party,  and  I  dare  to  believe  that  the  ele 
ment  of  party  fealty  which  brought  to  him  this  reproach  will 
not  cause  his  memory  to  suffer  with  the  great  mass  of  his  op 
ponents. 

The  private  life  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  stainless,  and  the 
record  of  his  public  service  is  without  a  venal  blot.  In  the 
fierce  heat  of  party  warfare  in  which  he  was  a  leader,  in  the 
bitter  condemnation  which  at  times  his  course  invited,  no  man 
has  ever  dared  to  couple  with  the  name  of  HENDRICKS  the  sus 
picion  of  corruption. 

As  a  public  officer,  he  was  faithful  to  every  detail  of  duty. 
He  took  great  pride  in  his  administration  of  the  General  Land 
Office  many  years  ago,  and  frequently  referred  to  it.  He  brought 
to  the  discharge  of  that  duty  peculiar  fitness,  and  ordained  rules 
and  methods  of  procedure  there  to  the  wisdom  of  which  each 
year  since  intervening  has  brought  gratifying  vindication. 


64  Z//£  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND  RICKS. 

To  the  ability  and  industry  and  attentiveness  with  which  he 
discharged  the  Senatorial  duty  the  records  of  the  Senate  bear 
permanent  and  abundant  testimony. 

As  a  lawyer,  he  won,  deserved,  and  sustained  a  national  rep 
utation  for  learning  and  professional  skill.  His  brethren  of  the 
bar  and  the  judges  before  whom  he  practiced  bear  concurrent 
testimony  to  his  singular  excellence  as  an  advocate.  As  alert 
to  discover  and  attack  the  weak  points  in  the  armor  of  his  ad 
versary  as  he  was  to  recognize  and  protect  the  weak  points  in 
his  own,  he  gave  hard  blows  and  took  them  with  unruffled 
temper.  When  success  crowned  his  efforts  as  a  lawyer  he  was 
modest  and  considerate,  and  when  the  standard  which  he  had 
borne  went  down  in  defeat  he  was  patient  and  serene.  What 
ever  the  fortunes  of  the  professional  contest,  he  never  grumbled 
at  the  court  or  anathematized  the  jury. 

As  an  orator,  he  was  persuasive  and  attractive.  There  was 
a  quality  in  his  voice  and  a  charm  in  his  manner  which  gave 
him  command  of  his  audience. 

He  was  a  genial,  gracious,  kindly  gentleman,  who  treated 
all  who  came  within  the  circle  of  his  influence,  rich  or  poor, 
exalted  or  lowly,  with  the  same  rare  and  exquisite  courtesy. 

To  him  life's  sun  has  set.  For  him  life's  cares  are  ended. 
He  is,  in  the  words  borne  upon  his  dying  breath,  ' '  free  at  last. ' ' 

There  is,  Mr.  President,  a  melancholy  comfort  in  the  manner 
of  his  death.  He  died  as  one  might  wish  to  die  who  was  as 
well  prepared  to  die.  In  his  own  home,  in  the  midst  of  the 
friends  and  neighbors  of  many  years,  at  the  capital  of  the  State 
which  loved  him  and  which  he  loved,  in  the  tender  care  of  her 
who  was  nearest  and  dearest,  without  premonition  or  pain  of 
parting,  "God's  finger  touched  him,  and  he  slept." 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    VEST,  OF  MISSOURI.  65 


Address  of  Mr.  VEST,  of  Missouri. 

Mr.  President,  the  best  and  bravest  knight  in  all  the  Demo 
cratic  host  has  gone  down  before  that  relentless  foe  against 
whose  assault  courage  and  skill  are  alike  unavailing. 

To  others  I  shall  leave  the  recital  of  his  public  career,  illus 
trated  by  great  and  patriotic  service,  State  and  national.  To 
me  it  is  a  melancholy  pleasure  to  think  and  speak  of  his  char 
acter  and  attributes  as  I  knew  them  in  the  arena  where  we  first 
met,  and  where  I  learned  to  follow  him  as  a  leader  and  love 
him  as  a  friend. 

THOMAS  A.  HKNDRICKS  was  the  incarnation  of  the  vital 
principle  in  our  Government,  the  sovereignty  of  the  people. 
He  knew  the  people  and  was  nearer  their  hearts  than  any  living 
man. 

He  was  the  noblest  type  of  American  manhood,  self-reliant 
and  self-made,  incorruptible  in  public  life  and  pure  in  private 
conduct.  To  the  poor  and  humble  he  was  always  accessible, 
listening  patiently  and  never  refusing  sympathy  and  aid.  Stern 
and  uncompromising  as  an  adversary,  he  was  just  and  courteous 
to  the  bitterest  opponent,  and  when  the  conflict  ended  gentle, 
kind,  and  loving  as  a  woman. 

He  was  a  partisan  in  the  highest  and  best  meaning  of  the 
term,  devoted  to  his  party  because  he  believed  it  necessary  to 
the  welfare  and  glory  of  his  country.  So  believing,  he  fought 
for  party  as  for  country,  and  there  was  not  a  rivet  in  his  armor 
that  had  not  been  tried  by  edge  of  sword  and  point  of  spear. 
Cool,  wary,  undaunted,  he  led  every  forlorn  hope,  and  around 
his  banner  ebbed  and  flowed  the  headlong  fight. 

He  was  an  honest  partisan,  and  had  no  respect  for  that  polit 
ical  aestheticism  which  cannot  distinguish  friend  from  foe.  He 
S.  Mis.  120 5 


66  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

believed  the  aims  of  party  should  be  high,  ennobling,  patriotic, 
and  that  the  instrumentalities  and  agencies  to  attain  these  aims 
must  necessarily  be  friendly,  not  inimical. 

Asking  and  giving  no  quarter,  he  did  not  sprinkle  rosewater 
over  the  enemies  of  his  party,  or  give  sweetmeats  to  the  polit 
ical  wolves  and  tigers  ready  to  spring  at  its  throat. 

He  died  suddenly,  as  falls  a  chieftain  on  some  stricken  field; 
and  it  was  well.  Better  one  pang,  one  throb,  than  weeks  ol 
pain  and  slow  decay.  Better  to  fall  like  the  struck  eagle, 
whose  full-stretched  wing  droops  in  mid-heaven  above  the 
mountain -top,  than  to  writhe  through  weary  days  and  sleepless 
nights  waiting  "the  inevitable  hour." 

Pure  in  life,  prepared  for  death,  his  career  rounded  and  com 
plete,  our  great  leader,  crowned  with  the  love  and  respect  ol 
his  countrymen,  and  breathing  with  his  latest  words  the  name 
of  one  dearer  to  him  than  all  else,  passed  into  that  shadowy 
realm  where  his  expectant  spirit  awaits  her  coming. 


Address  of  Mr.  HARRISON,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  President,  the  principal  incidents  in  the  public  career  ol 
Mr.  HENDRICKS  have  been  so  fully  and  eloquently  depicted  by 
those  who  have  preceded  me  as  to  make  it  not  only  unnecessary 
but  even  inappropriate  that  I  should  attempt  anything  like  a 
biographical  sketch  of  the  distinguished  dead.  A  brief  allusion 
to  some  of  the  incidents  of  our  long  acquaintance  and  to  some 
of  his  personal  and  professional  traits,  as  I  observed  them,  must 
constitute  my  tribute  to  his  memory.  His  political  career  was 
a  long  and  conspicuous  one.  He  had  a  very  strong  and  endear 
ing  hold  upon  a  wide  and  widening  circle  of  political  friends. 
It  can  not  be  safely  said  that  his  popularity  had  culminated  at 
the  time  of  his  death,  for  we  cannot  read  the  future.  But  it 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HARRISON,  OF  INDIANA.  67 

can  safely  be  said  that  it  had  not  waned.  He  seemed  never  to 
have  been  more  loved  and  admired  by  his  political  friends  than 
npon  that  day  when  death's  sudden  message  separated  him  from 
them. 

The  fact  that  he  maintained  so  long,  as  well  in  reverse  as  in 
success,  the  clear  leadership  of  his  party  in  the  State  of  Indiana — 
that  in  its  extreme  needs  it  always  called  for  him — is  convincing 
proof  that  he  possessed  in  a  high  degree  those  qualities  of  mind 
and  disposition  that  attract  the  love  of  men  and  inspire  hope  and 
confidence.  He  was  not  aggressive  as  a  leader,  but  always  met 
an  assault  with  vigor  and  courage.  He  was  shrewd,  prudent, 
and  quiet,  rather  than  rash  or  boisterous  in  his  methods.  He 
did  not  make  his  leadership  offensive  by  a  too  open  assertion  or 
display  of  it,  but  molded  and  guided  by  suggestion  rather  than 
by  decree.  No  leader  was  ever  more  accessible  to  friends  of 
every  degree,  none  ever  accepted  counsel  more  kindly,  or  more 
wisely  and  cordially  applauded  the  efforts  of  the  aspiring  young 
men  who  delighted  to  follow  his  political  fortunes.  His  manner 
as  a  public  speaker  was  animated  and  graceful.  In  style  he  was 
clear,  often  pungent,  and  always  persuasive.  Large  audiences 
always  assembled  to  hear  him,  and  if  he  did  not  win  over  his 
adversaries,  he  left  them  kindly  disposed,  and  always  strength 
ened  and  consolidated  his  own  part}'.  More  than  once  he  was 
called  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  his  party  to  accept  a  nomina 
tion  that  he  did  not  want.  He  could  not  resist  the  friendly 
urgency  of  his  party  associates,  and  yielded  his  preferences  to 
theirs  at  great  personal  inconvenience  and  sacrifice. 

My  first  vote  was  cast  against  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  as  the  candi 
date  of  his  party  for  Congress,  in  the  year  1854.  The  first  joint 
meeting  with  a  political  opponent  in  which  I  was  ever  engaged 
was  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS.  He  was  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  governor  in  1860,  and  I,  then  a  very  young  man,  was  the 


68  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

Republican  candidate  for  reporter  of  the  decisions  of  trie  su 
preme  court.  By  chance,  during  the  campaign  of  that  year, 
we  met  at  Rockville  and  found  that  our  meetings  were  an 
nounced  for  the  same  hour  and  place.  It  was  arranged  that  we 
should  hold  a  joint  meeting.  Mr.  HENDRICKS  spoke  first,  and 
I  well  recall  the  effect  of  his  persuasive  address  upon  a  respon 
sive  audience  and  upon  myself  as  I  sat  before  him,  waiting  in 
great  trepidation  for  my  time  to  come.  When  he  concluded, 
Mr.  HENDRICKS,  with  great  kindness,  requested  his  friends  to 
remain  and  hear  me,  and  often  afterward  alluded  in  very  kind 
terms  to  my  youthful  performance.  It  was  an  illustration  of  a 
prominent  trait  of  his  character,  a  disposition  to  encourage  with 
kindly  praise  the  efforts  of  young  men.  From  that  time  for 
ward  in  every  political  campaign  we  were  both  upon  the  stump 
in  Indiana,  the  earnest  advocates  of  the  political  principles  of 
our  respective  parties.  He  thought  the  principles  I  advocated 
were  adverse  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  and  said  so, 
and  with  equal  plainness  and  sincerity  I  criticised  his  public 
acts  and  political  views,  but  I  am  not  aware  that  either  of  us 
ever  charged  the  other  with  overstepping  the  fair  limits  of  pub 
lic  discussion. 

It  was  as  a  practicing  lawyer  that  I  knew  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
best.  Often  associated  with  him  in  the  trial  of  causes,  I  have 
seen  him  in  the  freedom  of  the  office  consultation  and  have 
listened  to  his  arguments  in  court  from  the  standpoint  of  an  asso 
ciate.  Often  upon  adverse  sides  I  have  had  occasion  to  feel  the 
force  of  his  simple  and  effective  eloquence  upon  a  jury.  He  was 
remarkably  urbane  and  courteous  in  his  manner  as  well  to  the 
members  of  the  bar  as  to  the  court.  Rarely  out  of  temper,  he 
was  yet  firm  and  courageous  in  the  defense  of  his  own  rights 
and  those  of  his  client.  I  saw  him  once  conduct  with  unflinch 
ing  courage  a  civil  cause  for  damages  growing  out  of  the  trial 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HARRISON,  OF  INDIANA.  6q 

during  the  war  before  a  military  commission  of  a  citizen  ac 
cused  of  disloyal  practices.  The  supreme  court  had  decided 
the  imprisonment  of  his  client  to  have  been  illegal,  and  his 
technical  right  to  damages  was  clear.  But  the  defendants  were 
soldiers — some  of  them  wounded  soldiers — who  had  acted  under 
military  orders  in  the  trial  of  his  client. 

No  advocate  ever  had  a  stronger  adverse  current  of  popular 
opinion  and  sympathy  to  stem  than  did  Mr.  HENDRICKS  in  this 
case.  A  verdict  for  more  than  nominal  damages  was  hopeless, 
and  yet  through  a  long  trial  Mr.  HENDRICKS  never  faltered, 
but  with  the  greatest  tact  and  courage  demanded  of  court  and 
jury  full  damages  for  the  long  imprisonment  his  client  had  suf 
fered. 

Through  his  long  public  career  Mr.  HENDRICKS  always 
maintained  his  connection  with  the  law  firm  of  which  he  had 
so  long  been  a  member  except  when  holding  an  office  the  duties 
of  which  were  incompatible  with  any  professional  employ 
ments.  The  profession  was  more  to  him  than  a  means  of  live 
lihood.  He  was  a  thoughtful  student  of  the  philosophy  of  the 
law.  The  springs  of  human  motive  and  action  are  uncovered 
to  no  one  as  they  are  to  the  lawyer,  and  to  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
this  study  did  not  end  with  the  demands  of  a  cause.  He  once 
said: 

The  law  to  me  has  always  been  a  fascinating  business.  I  never  go  into  a  court 
room  to  try  a  case  but  it  seems  picturesque  ground  to  me.  I  like  to  watch  a  case  begin 
and  expand  and  see  the  various  kinds  of  characters  that  attend  it. 

Judge  James  S.  Frazier,  formerly  one  of  the  judges  of  the  su 
preme  court  of  Indiana,  said  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  at  the  memo 
rial  meeting  of  the  bar  of  the  State: 

And  yet  he  could  pass  from  the  floor  of  the  Senate  into  the  forum  of  justice  and  be  a 
giant  there.  I  witnessed  this  once  with  admiring  wonder  in  our  own  supreme  court 
while  a  member  of  it,  and  heard  from  him  what  the  judges  all  regarded  as  being,  in  both 
matter  and  manner,  the  most  masterly  argument  made  in  that  court  during  a  term  of 


70  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

service  of  six  years.  There  was  no  audience  to  inspire  him — not  more  than  half  a  dozen 
persons  and  the  four  judges.  Populai  applause  was  not  to  he  won  by  the  effort.  The 
great  lawyer  argued  like  a  lawyer  should  before  a  court  the  questions  of  law  in  his 
cause.  That  was  all.  But  it  was  much,  as  attesting  the  manner  of  man  he  was  as  one 
of  our  profession. 

In  his  private  life  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  even  more  fortunate 
than  in  his  public  life.  The  circle  of  his  friendship  was  wider, 
for  it  went  beyond  the  lines  of  a  party.  Those  who  sharply 
criticised  his  public  acts  found  in  his  private  life  nothing  to 
condemn  and  much  to  admire.  Personal  integrity,  great,  kind 
ness  of  heart,  a  wide  human  sympathy,  and  a  pure  home  life 
were  virtues  that  all  accorded  to  him.  The  wife  whom  he 
wooed  and  wed  when  the  first  small  gains  of  his  profession  gave 
promise  of  a  safe  future  walked  with  him  in  loving  affection  to 
the  end.  The  vow,  "Till  death  do  us  part,"  had  been  kept. 

In  the  first  year  of  his  term  as  Vice-President,  in  the  midst 
of  preparations  to  resume  in  this  body  the  duties  of  his  office, 
filled  with  pleasant  anticipations  of  social  intercourse,  suddenly, 
as  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  the  messenger  of  death  called 
him.  And  yet  Mr.  HENDRICKS  had  not  been  without  warning 
that  death  might  come  to  him  suddenly.  A  slight  stroke  of 
paralysis  several  years  ago  excited  the  solicitude  of  his  friends, 
and  no  doubt  turned  his  own  thoughts  toward  the  solemn  hour. 
He  did  not,  however,  allow  this  danger  to  cloud  his  spirits  or 
to  drive  him  from  the  activities  of  life.  Indeed,  the  last  year 
of  his  life  seemed  to  be  unusually  full  of  gladness  and  labor. 
It  seemed  to  him  better  to  expend  the  days  that  remained  in 
useful  labor  rather  than  in  vain  complainings. 

So  at  the  post 

Where  He  hath  set  me  in  His  providence 
I  chose  for  one  to  meet  Him  face  to  face — 
No  faithless  servant  frightened  from  my  task, 
But  ready  when  the  Lord  of  the  Harvest  calls. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HARRISON,  OF  INDIANA.  J  \ 

Mr.  President,  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions  before 
the  Senate,  and  that  the  House  of  Representatives  be  advised 
of  the  action  of  the  Senate  thereon. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question  is  on  the  adop 
tion  of  the  resolutions. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  unanimously. 

Mr.  HARRISON.  As  a  further  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory 
of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  I  move  that  the  Senate  do  now  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  ;  and  (at  3  o'clock  and  10  minutes 
p.  m.)  the  Senate  adjourned. 


PROCEEDINGS 

IN   THE 

HOUSE   OF    REPRESENTATIVES. 

FEBRUARY  2,  1886. 


The  House  met  at  12  o'clock  m.  Prayer  by  the  Chaplain, 
Rev.  W.  H.  MIZ,BURN,  D.  D.,  as  follows: 

Almighty  God,  from  whom  coineth  every  good  and  perfect 
gift,  we  reverently  bless  Thee  for  the  great  body  of  pure  and 
excellent  men  that  have  been  raised  up  through  Thy  providence 
from  generation  to  generation  to  serve  the  state  in  all  the  de 
partments  of  the  Government,  and  as  we  are  met  to-day  to  pay 
the  tribute  of  our  reverent  admiration  and  love  for  a  departed 
statesman  and  patriot,  noble  and  beautiful  in  his  public  and 
his  private  walks  by  devotion  to  home,  to  country,  to  duty, 
and  to  his  God,  may  our  own  patriotism  become  stronger  and 
deeper,  our  love  of  country  more  pure  and  fervent,  our  love  of 
God  more  deep  and  true  and  tender,  and  so  doing  our  duty  in 
high  or  in  low  places  where  Thou  callest  us  to  act,  may  we 
come  at  last  to  the  reward  which  Thou  has  promised  to  all  who 
love  and  serve  Thee.  Through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord.  Amen. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  Journal  of  yesterday's  pro 
ceedings. 

73 


74  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRKKS. 

Mr.  BEACH.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to  dispense  with  the 
reading  of  so  much  of  the  Journal  as  relates  to  bills  and  reso 
lutions. 

There  was  no  objection. 

The  reading  of  the  Journal  was  completed  and,  as  read,  was 
approved. 

The  SPEAKER.  By  order  of  the  House  the  remainder  of  this 
day  is  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  resolutions  in  relation 
to  the  death  of  the  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  submit  the  resolutions  which  I  send  to  the 
desk: 

Resolved,  That  the  House  has  received  with  profound  sorrow  the  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  THOMAS  A.  HKNURICKS,  late  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  business  of  the  House  be  suspended  in  order  that  the  eminent 
public  services  and  the  private  virtues  of  the  deceased  may  be  appropriately  commemo 
rated. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  the  House  be  directed  to  communicate  these  resolutions 
to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  yield  the  floor  to  the  gentleman  [Mr.  BYNUM] 
representing  the  district  of  Indiana  in  which  the  late  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States  resided. 


Address  of  Mr.  BYNUM,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Speaker,  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  died  suddenly  at  his  home  in  Indianapolis  on 
the  25th  of  last  November,  between  the  hours  of  4  and  5  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon. 

On  the  evening  prior  to  his  death  he  attended  a  reception  at 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BYNUM,   OF  INDIANA.  J  § 

the  residence  of  State  Treasurer  Cooper,  and,  though  slightly 
complaining,  was  the  recipient  of  man}-  congratulations  upon 
his  healthful  appearance.  On  this  occasion  he  was  exception 
ally  affable,  and  participated  in  the  pleasures  of  the  evening 
with  rare  grace  and  extreme  joy.  Upon  his  return  home  he  did 
not  rest  well,  and  the  next  morning  the  family  physician  was 
summoned,  who,  finding  nothing  serious  the  matter,  admin 
istered  an  anodyne  to  relieve  the  pain  of  which  he  complained. 
No  one  but  himself  entertained  any  thoughts  of  approaching 
danger,  and  the  only  manifestation  of  fear  upon  his  part  was  the 
gloom  of  doubt  which  seemed  to  be  hovering  around  his  mind, 
causing  him  to  crave  the  continued  presence  of  Mrs.  Hendricks 
by  his  side.  She  was  constantly  with  him  011  the  day  of  his 
death  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  when  she  left  him  alone,  rest 
ing  comfortably  and  apparently  safely,  to  receive  some  friends. 
She  was  absent  only  a  few  minutes,  but  when  she  returned  his 
great  spirit  was  gone. 

The  news  of  his  death  flew  fast  and  far,  and  ere  the  noon  of 
night  had  passed  a  feeling  of  sorrow  was  in  every  heart  and  a 
shade  of  sadness  upon  every  brow  Death  had  not  stricken  the 
first-born,  yet  there  was  mourning  in  every  household.  When 
the  startling  news  of  his  death  was  first  communicated  to  me  I 
was  reminded  of  the  time  when  Burke  was  making  a  speech  at 
the  hustings  in  a  race  for  the  House  of  Commons  news  was 
brought  him  of  the  death  of  his  competitor.  Dropping  the  sub 
ject  of  his  speech,  he  exclaimed,  "This  teaches  us  what  shadows 
we  are  and  what  shadows  we  pursue. ' ' 

Representing  in  this  House  the  district  in  which  Mr.  HEX- 
DRICKS  lived  from  his  childhood,  and  in  part — that  part  nearest 
and  dearest  to  him  by  ties  of  friendship,  of  kindred,  and  of 
home — the  district  which  he  represented  a  third  of  a  century 
ago,  I  feel  that  I  would  not  only  fail  to  discharge  a  public  duty 


76  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

but  would  be  an  unworthy  exponent  of  the  wishes  and  senti 
ments  of  the  people  I  represent  should  I  fail  to  assist  in  em 
balming  the  memory  of  the  distinguished  dead  with  the  grand 
achievements  of  his  life,  in  which  they  so  proudly  claim  to  have 
been  participants.  He  was  no  ordinary  man.  He  was  one  of 
the  few  great  men  whose  greatness  increased  and  whose  grand 
eur  became  more  sublime  the  nearer  you  approached  him. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  born  in  Muskingum  County,  in  the 
State  of  Ohio,  on  the  yth  day  of  September,  1819.  His  parents 
the  next  year  removed  to  Indiana,  finally,  in  1822,  settling  in 
Shelby  County,  then  almost  a  wilderness,  now  a  garden.  It  was 
here,  upon  his  father's  farm,  that  he  spent  his  youthful  days. 
Here,  under  the  teachings  of  his  noble  parents  by  precept  and 
example,  was  laid  the  foundation  of  that  great  moral  and  intel 
lectual  structure  which  he  afterwards  builded  so  symmetrically 
and  so  grandly.  After  receiving  such  an  education  as  the  com 
mon  schools  in  those  primitive  days  afforded,  there  was  kindled 
in  his  youthful  mind  an  unquenchable  desire  for  greater  knowl 
edge.  He  entered  Hanover  College,  near  Madison,  in  Jefferson 
County,  and  graduated  from  that  institution  in  1841.  He  began 
the  study  of  the  law  and  was  admitted  to  practice  in  Shelby- 
ville  in  1843.  ^e  was  married  to  Miss  Eliza  C.  Morgan  in  the 
year  1845,  and  lived  happily  with  her  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
and  of  whom  it  has  been  truly  said  ever  afterward  was  his 

Companion,  counselor,  and  friend. 

In  his  profession  Mr.  HENDRICKS  attained  the  highest  alti 
tude  and  stood  at  the  head  of  the  bar  in  Indiana  and  ranked  with 
the  great  lawyers  of  the  country.  He  was  not  only  a  jurist  of 
great  science,  but  an  advocate  of  matchless  power.  He  could 
ably  discuss  the  most  intricate  questions  of  law  before  the  high 
est  judicial  tribunals  and  as  ably  present  the  facts  in  a  case  to  a 
jury  gathered  fresh  from  field  or  shop.  In  court  he  was  always 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BYNUM,  OF  INDIANA.  77 

courteous  but  dignified,  never  overstepping  the  limits  of  highest 
decorum.  He  treated  the  younger  members  of  the  bar  with  the 
same  consideration  as  their  elders,  never  attempting  to  decry 
their  positions  or  answer  their  arguments  except  by  sound  logic 
and  clear  reasoning.  During  the  progress  of  a  trial  he  closely 
watched  the  impressions  his  adversary  would  make  upon  court 
or  jury,  and  at  the  first  onset  would  skillfully  attempt  to  parry 
the  blow  or  fence  the  thrust.  He  never  permitted  himself  to  be 
surprised.  He  always  carefully  estimated  the  force  of  the  op 
position,  and  calculated  the  strength  of  his  own  position  with  a 
precision  that  inspired  the  confidence  of  his  client  and  gave 
weight  and  color  to  his  cause.  When  engaged  in  a  trial  by 
jury  he  would  ascertain  and  study  the  individual  history  and 
character  of  the  jurors,  and  was  careful  never  to  antagonize  a 
prejudice,  but  at  every  opportunity  would  say  something  to  cap 
tivate  their  minds  until  he  had  gained  full  possession  of  their 
sympathies. 

In  the  order  and  arrangement  of  testimony  and  in  the  exam 
ination  of  witnesses  he  was  careful  and  painstaking;  in  the 
more  dangerous  part,  the  cross-examination,  he  was  cautious, 
never  giving  a  biased  witness  an  opportunity  to  injure  his  cause 
or  stab  his  client.  His  arguments  were  clear  and  forcible,  com 
mending  themselves  to  the  soundest  judgments;  his  appeals  elo 
quent,  arousing  the  noblest  impulses  of  the  human  heart.  He 
was  a  model  that  any  student  of  highest  ambition  might  adopt, 
the  bar  of  any  State  be  proud  of,  and  the  courts  of  any  country- 
welcome  to  its  forum. 

The  great  talents  he  possessed  as  a  lawyer  were,  however,  car 
ried  into  a  higher  field  and  crowned  with  greater  laurels  than 
could  be  won  at  the  bar.  Starting  early  in  life,  he  gradually 
arose  from  an  unostentatious  beginning  to  the  highest  plane  of 
statesmanship. 


7 8  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

His  public  life,  running  through  the  most  critical  period  in 
our  history,  stands  to-day,  from  beginning  to  end,  without  an 
inconsistency  or  contradiction. 

In  1848  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Indiana  legislature 
from  Shelby  County. 

In  1850  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  constitutional  conven 
tion  which  framed  the  present  constitution  of  that  State. 

In  1851  he  was  elected  a  member  of  this  House  and  served 
till  1855. 

He  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office 
by  President  Pierce  in  1855  and  served  till  1859,  when  he  re 
signed. 

In  1860  he  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  party  for  gov 
ernor  of  his  State,  but  was  defeated  at  the  election  by  Henry 
S.  Lane. 

In  1862  he  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  party  for  United 
States  Senator,  and  on  the  i2th  of  January,  1863,  was  elected 
to  a  seat  in  that  body  and  served  from  the  4th  of  March,  1863, 
to  1869. 

In  1868,  although  not  a  candidate,  he  was  supported  by  the 
Empire  State,  and  came  near  being  nominated  by  his  party  in 
convention  at  New  York  for  the  Presidency.  In  that  year  he 
was  again  unanimously  chosen  a  candidate  for  governor,  and 
after  a  vigorous  campaign  wras  defeated  by  Conrad  Baker  by  a 
small  majority. 

In  1872,  against  his  wish,  he  was  again  unanimously  nomi 
nated  for  governor,  and  after  a  hard-fought  contest  was  elected, 
the  balance  of  the  ticket,  with  one  exception,  being  defeated. 

In  1876,  without  solicitation,  the  Democratic  national  con 
vention  at  Saint  Louis  with  great  enthusiasm  unanimously  nom 
inated  him  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

In  1884,  against  his  desire,  the  Democratic  national  conven- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BYNUM,   OF  INDIANA.  79 

tion  at  Chicago  again  unanimously  nominated  him  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  to  which  he  was  elected  and  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
of  last  March. 

He  discharged  the  duties  of  a  legislator  in  the  general  as 
sembly  to  which  he  was  first  elected  with  care  and  fidelity.  As 
a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention  he  was  overshadowed 
by  men  of  greater  experience,  but  took  an  active  part,  always 
commanding  the  respect  and  attention  of  the  members  when  he 
spoke.  As  a  member  of  Congress  he  began  fully  to  display  the 
inherent  powers  and  great  talents  which  afterward  made  his 
name  familiar  to  every  household  in  the  land.  As  Commis 
sioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  he  organized  and  systema 
tized  the  departments  and  instituted  reforms,  giving  abundant 
proofs  of  his  great  executive  abilities,  which  afterward  charac 
terized  his  administration  as  governor  of  Indiana.  As  United 
States  Senator,  he  rose  to  the  full  stature  of  his  country's  op 
portunities  and  his  own  duties.  No  Senator  ever  stood  in  the 
halls  of  that  body  who  devoted  himself  with  greater  diligence, 
fidelity,  and  patriotism  to  the  discharge  of  the  high  duties  of 
that  exalted  position  than  did  Mr.  HENDRICKS.  During  the 
days  of  reconstruction  contests  daily  arose  that  required  the 
greatest  efforts  of  the  mightiest  intellects. 

He  was  the  leader  of  his  party,  but  facing  upon  the  other  side 
was  his  colleague,  the  giant  Morton.  Both  have  gone  to  rest, 
and  peacefully  sleep  upon  the  beautiful  heights  of  Crown  Hill, 
where  the  same  dew-drops  will  kiss  the  flowers  that  bloom 
around  their  graves  and  the  gentle  zephyrs  waft  messages  of 
peace  and  good-will  from  mound  to  mound. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS' S  great  strength  and  popularity  were  with 
the  people.  He  never  assumed  to  dictate  or  even  command. 
During  his  long  public  career  he  never  attempted  to  organize  a 
personal  party.  His  party  was  the  great  Democracy,  to  which 


8o  I-IFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 


he  consistently  adhered  through  storm  as  well  as  through  sun 
shine  ;  through  the  disasters  of  defeat  as  well  as  through  the 
fortunes  of  success.  The  great  principles  of  Democracy  were 
to  him  sacred,  and  he  clung  to  them  through  all  the  contests  of 
earth  as  tenaciously  "as  the  mariner  clings  to  the  last  plank 
when  the  night  and  the  tempest  close  around  him.  '  ' 

His  great  qualities  as  a  leader  cannot  be  overestimated. 

He  was  the  great  isolated  figure  around  which  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  nation  rallied  during  its  darkest  days  and 
when  it  looked  as  though  its  hour  of  dissolution  was  about  to 
come.  He  was  the  first  Democratic  governor  elected  in  a 
Northern  State  after  the  war.  His  greatest  act  of  leadership, 
not  only  of  leadership  but  of  statesmanship,  was  exhibited  from 
1874  to  1876.  In  his  State  in  1874  a  young,  vigorous,  and  ag 
gressive  party,  the  Greenback  party,  began  to  make  serious  in 
roads  upon  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy,  which  he  had  so  suc 
cessfully  preserved  intact  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
war.  There  began  to  spring  up  a  division  of  sentiment  between 
the  great  men  of  his  party,  and  the  rank  and  file  began  to  rally 
to  the  support  of  this  or  that  element  until  a  division  looked 
almost  inevitable.  Mr.  HENDRICKS  possessed  the  clearest  ideas 
upon  questions  of  finance,  but  he  saw  a  sentiment,  uncontrolla 
ble,  tearing  across  the  country  like  a  tornado,  ready  to  embrace 
the  crudest  plans  and  most  visionary  ideas  upon  this  most  im 
portant  question.  Standing  between  the  columns,  he  laid  a  hand 
upon  each  and  imperceptibly  changed  their  course,  until  they 
gradually  came  together,  when,  at  their  head,  in  1876,  he  led 
them  up  in  solid  column  to  the  support  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden  and 
himself  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  sometimes  criticised  for  the  want  of  positive  ideas, 
for  the  want  of  boldness  in  the  declaration  of  his  principles. 
No  more  unjust  criticism  was  ever  made.  Caution  is  no  more 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BYNUM,  OF  INDIANA.  8l 

cowardice  than  rashness  is  bravery.  In  counsel  he  was  defiant 
in  the  statement  of  his  opinions,  and  supported  them  with  an 
earnestness  and  an  aggressiveness  that  not  only  carried  convic 
tion  but  elicited  admiration.  He  was  careful  to  investigate, 
but  when  he  once  took  a  position  he  was  as  firm  as  the  rock- 
bound  coast  against  which  the  waves  may  dash  but  rebound  to 
be  broken  asunder  upon  the  ocean's  bosom.  When  he  desig 
nated  the  point  of  attack  and  marked  out  the  line  of  march 
every  recruit  was  ready  to  follow  him,  conscious  that  no  enemy 
was  in  ambush  upon  the  line  to  open  a  deadly  fire  upon  their 
flanks. 

Mr.  HEXDRICKS  never  declared  a  proposition  he  could  not 
defend ;  never  uttered  a  sentence  he  was  compelled  to  retract. 
His  courage  was  once  fully  tested  when  an  excited  populace, 
following  the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  demanded  of 
him  that  he  pledge  his  support  to  the  administration  of  Andrew 
Johnson.  He  said:  "  I  will  support  the  administration  of  An 
drew  Johnson  only  in  so  far  as  I  believe  it  to  be  within  the 
limits  of  the  Constitution  of  my  country."  At  the  time  he 
thus  boldly  stated  his  sentiments  he  knew  that  the  declaration 
might  cost  him  his  life,  and  it  came  near  doing  so. 

Public  life  with  him  was  not  an  ambition  but  a  duty.  He 
could  stand  defeat  without  the  least  despondency  or  the  slight 
est  evidence  of  disappointment;  he  could  stand  success  without 
the  least  assumption  or  exultation.  But  few  men  could  alter 
nate  from  public  to  private  and  from  private  to  public  life  with 
the  ease,  grace,  and  contentment  which  were  evidenced  in  his 
career.  He  could  quit  his  office  for  a  seat  in  this  House  or  in 
the  Senate  seemingly  without  noticing  the  change,  and  at  the 
end  of  his  term  could  return  as  contentedly  as  though  he  had 
only  been  away  upon  a  pleasure  trip.  Wherever  his  lot  was 
cast  his  mind  was  content  and  his  soul  enlisted. 
S.  Mis.  120 G 


82  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

He  was  an  honest  man.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  in  the 
many  high  and  responsible  positions  which  he  filled  and  the 
many  contests  through  which  he  passed  suspicion  never  breathed 
a  calumny  against  his  integrity.  He  passed  through  the  fiery 
furnace  without  a  scar,  closing  an  eventful  life  of  an  eventful 
period  without  a  blemish  to  mar  its  beauty  or  destroy  its  sym 
metry.  His  statue,  to  fitly  represent  him,  should  be  chiseled 
of  spotless  white  marble. 

Such  in  brief  was  the  public  life  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS, 
and  in  many  respects  it  is  without  a  parallel  in  history.  For 
twenty-five  years  he  was  the  accepted  leader  of  his  party  in  his 
State,  no  one  contesting  his  right  or  challenging  his  authority. 
Three  times  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  party  for  governor ; 
unanimously  chosen  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator ; 
twice  unanimously  nominated  as  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presi 
dency,  the  cup  of  his  ambition,  though  he  never  reached  the 
Presidency,  was  filled  to  overflowing.  Indiana  during  her 
career  as  a  State  has  given  to  the  country  a  galaxy  of  most 
brilliant  men.  Among  her  jurists  were  Blackford,  Dewey,  and 
Sullivan,  whose  opinions  are  pre-eminently  a  part  of  the  juris 
prudence  of  the  country.  Among  her  statesmen  were  Edward 
A.  Hannegan,  George  G.  Dunn,  Ashbel  P.  Willard,  Henry  S. 
Lane,  and  Oliver  P.  Morton. 

The  names  of  these  men  garnish  the  pages  of  history,  State 
and  national,  and,  though  sacred  in  death,  it  is  not  improper  to 
say  in  all  that  made  men  great  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  will 
pass  into  history  as  the  peer  of  any  that  preceded  him.  While 
he  may  not  have  possessed  the  diction  of  Hannegan,  the  fire  of 
Dunn,  the  magnetism  of  Willard,  the  rhetoric  of  Lane,  or  the 
logic  of  Morton,  he  combined  all  these  gifts  in  a  high  degree, 
which,  coupled  with  his  great  moral  powers,  make  him  the  co- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BYNUM,  OF  INDIANA.  83 

lossal  figure  in  the  history  of  Indiana  and  place  his  name  in 
the  list  of  great  men  of  the  greatest  nation. 

It  is  not,  however,  the  public  life  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  that  is 
the  greatest  pride  of  his  neighbors  and  the  highest  solace  of  his 
family. 

In  their  hours  of  gloom  they  recall  him  not  as  governor,  as 
Senator,  or  as  Vice-President,  but  they  weep  for  him  as  friend, 
neighbor,  brother,  and  husband.  Through  his  whole  life  he 
was  a  Christian  ;  and  although  an  active  and  consistent  member 
of  the  church,  his  religion  was  more  in  acts  than  in  words. 

He  daily  practiced  the  greatest  of  all  virtues — charity.  There 
are  many  left  behind  who  to-day  miss  his  generous  heart  and 
open  hand.  All  along  the  pathway  of  his  life  are  scattered 
jewels  of  charity  that  will  finally  be  gathered  home  by  the 
angels  in  eternity.  As  a  neighbor  he  was  always  kind,  as  a 
friend  always  true,  as  a  husband  he  was  not  only  devoted  but 
idolatrous. 

His  life  was  great,  his  death  sublime.  As  he  faintly  heard 
the  hoofs  of  the  messenger's  steed  on  his  way  to  summon  him 
from  time  to  eternity,  and  was  preparing  to  start  upon  his 
journey  beyond  the  clouds,  looking  back  over  his  important 
career,  viewing  the  great  struggles  through  which  he  had  passed 
and  the  great  contests  in  which  he  had  borne  such  a  conspicuous 
part,  feeling  the  weight  of  the  burdens  he  had  so  long  and  so 
patiently  borne  being  gently  lifted  from  his  shoulders,  his  last 
words  were,  ' '  I  am  free  at  last. ' ' 


84  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICKS. 


Address  of  Mr.  McCREARY,  of  Kentucky. 

Mr.  Speaker,  during  the  last  year  death  gathered  into  his 
garner  a  rich  harvest  of  our  able  and  worthy  men,  but  no  one 
was  more  loved  and  respected  and  none  contributed  more  to 
embellish  American  history  than  the  distinguished  subject  of 
the  resolutions  now  before  the  House. 

THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  late  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  September  7,  1819.  Full  of  years  and  crowned 
with  civic  honors,  he  died  November  25,  1885.  ^ne  evening 
before  Thanksgiving  Day  our  whole  country  was  startled  and 
sorrow-stricken  by  the  news  of  his  death,  and  when  the  Forty- 
ninth  Congress  assembled  this  Capitol  was  still  draped  in 
mourning  and  the  shadow  of  a  great  bereavement  hovered  like 
a  gloomy  pall  over  our  country. 

He  was  the  fifth  Vice-President  who  died  in  office,  and  like 
George  Clinton  of  New  York,  Elbridge  Gerry  of  Maine,  William 
R.  King  of  Alabama,  and  Henry  Wilson  of  Massachusetts,  he 
came  to  the  Vice-Presidency  after  a  long  and  splendid  public 
career.  His  life  illustrated  the  possibilities  of  an  American 
citizen,  and  came  fully  up  to  Blackstone's  aphorism,  "Act 
honestly,  live  honorably,  and  render  to  every  man  his  dues. ' ' 
His  death  was  a  national  calamity,  and  common  sympathy  and 
common  sorrow  for  his  loss  brought  to  his  countrymen,  as  they 
did  honor  to  his  memory,  irrespective  of  party  or  section,  truer 
fellowship  and  closer  friendship. 

The  great  and  good  men  of  a  nation  ennoble  it  and  give 
character  and  prominence  to  it  at  home  and  abroad.  All  their 
fellow-citizens  have  a  common  interest  in  them,  and  when  they 
die  all  love  to  pay  homage  to  their  virtues.  The  tributes  of 
respect  that  have  been  paid  to  the  memory  of  our  late  Vice- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  M^CREARY,  OF  KENTUCKY.  85 

President  in  every  part  of  our  land  ;  the  chaplets  without  num 
ber  that  have  been  woven  from  the  flowers  of  sincerest  love  and 
respect;  the  eulogies  that  have  been  spoken  in  the  forum,  at  the 
bar,  in  the  Senate,  in  the  sacred  Church,  and  in  thosuands  of 
humble  homes  and  stately  mansions  prove  how  thoroughly  he 
is  entitled  to  be  ranked  among  our  great  and  good  men. 

I  first  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS  when  he  was 
governor  of  Indiana  and  I  was  governor  of  Kentucky  and  it 
became  necessary  to  locate  a  disputed  boundary  line  between 
our  respective  States.  In  that  important  business  he  deported 
himself  with  the  same  fairness  and  firmness  and  ability  that  ever 
characterized  his  whole  life.  I  am  glad  to  place  on  record  now 
that  from  that  time  I  was  his  friend  and  admirer. 

Kentucky  is  only  separated  from  Indiana  by  the  beautiful  Ohio 
River,  and  Kentuckians  gave  to  Mr.  HENDRICKS  the  same  friend 
ship  and  admiration  that  greeted  him  in  his  own  State.  I  be 
lieve  I  but  speak  their  sentiments  when  I  say  we  were  proud  of 
him  as  a  leader,  counselor,  and  statesman;  we  loved  him  as  a 
neighbor  and  friend,  and  we  deeply  deplore  his  death. 

His  political  career  extended  from  1848,  when  he  first  entered 
the  Indiana  Legislature,  nearly  to  1886 — a  period  of  thirty-eight 
years  of  prominence  and  usefulness  in  the  service  of  his  State 
and  nation.  He  was  a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention 
held  in  Indiana  in  1850,  and  served  with  Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax, 
afterward  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  with  Hon. 
William  S.  Holman,  now  a  distinguished  member  of  this  House, 
and  he  was  conspicuous  in  the  United  States  Senate  among  such 
Senators  as  Allen  G.  Thurman,  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  John  Sher 
man,  and  Roscoe  Conkling.  In  1851  he  first  entered  Congress. 
No  member  now  on  this  floor  was  a  member  then,  but  there 
were  many  able  and  brilliant  men  in  Congress.  Henry  Clay, 
with  his  clarion  voice  and  thrilling  eloquence;  Charles  Sumner, 


86  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

with  his  wisdom  and  culture  and  power;  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
with  his  splendid  intellect  and  captivating  manners;  Salmon 
P.  Chase,  with  his  comprehensive  knowledge  and  indomitable 
energy,  and  Stephen  A.  Douglass,  with  his  logic  and  courage 
and  great  ability,  were  all  then  Senators  or  Representatives  in 
Congress.  They  are  all  dead  now,  but  their  names  are  written 
high  on  the  roll  of  fame,  and  they  will  be  remembered  and 
cherished  as  long  as  our  Republic  has  a  history  or  freedom  a 
home  on  earth.  To  this  list  will  now  be  added  the  name  of 
THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  and  it  will  remain  as  imperishable 
and  honorable  as  the  names  of  any  of  the  illustrious  statesmen 
with  whom  he  served. 

He  lived  in  important  and  critical  times,  and  he  acted  his 
part  well  both  in  peace  and  in  war.  A  sketch  of  his  life  is  a 
sketch  of  his  country's  history  for  a  third  of  a  century. 

As  a  citizen  he  was  broad  and  benevolent.  As  a  lawyer  he 
was  able,  faithful,  and  fearless ;  and  as  a  political  debater  his 
Damascus  blade  was  never  vanquished  and  but  seldom  parried. 
The  subjects  he  discussed  embraced  all  the  leading  questions  and 
political  policies  of  his  time.  His  views  on  education,  com 
merce,  finance,  agriculture,  an  honest,  economical  administra 
tion  of  the  Government,  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  in 
dependence  of  the  co-ordinate  departments  of  the  Government, 
were  ofter  announced  in  no  uncertain  terms.  Common  sense, 
practical  ideas,  and  conservative  opinions  were  strong  features 
in  his  statesmanship,  and  he  was  ever  the  friend  and  advocate 
of  all  the  great  reform  measures  that  have  elevated  and  purified 
our  Republic.  Whether  we  view  him  as  legislator,  Commis 
sioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  Representative  in  Congress, 
governor  of  Indiana,  Senator,  or  Vice-President  of  the  United 
vStates,  we  see  the  impress  of  his  splendid  mind  and  the  luster 
of  his  unfaltering  patriotism  and  noble  manhood.  He  was 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  M^CREARY,   OE  KENTUCKY.  87 

never  dazzled  by  visionary  theories  nor  deluded  by  speculative 
projects,  but  lie  worked  for  what  he  regarded  as  the  good  of  the 
people  and  the  welfare  of  the  Republic.  In  his  whole  career 
as  citizen,  lawyer,  and  statesman,  and  even  in  the  heat  of 
fiercest  political  conflicts,  no  breath  of  suspicion  ever  assailed 
his  integrity  or  dimmed  the  brightness  of  his  honor. 

No  man  ever  had  more  of  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the 
people  of  his  own  State  than  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  As  a 
candidate  for  governor  he  led  the  Democrats  of  Indiana  to  vic 
tory  in  1872,  when  every  other  candidate  on  the  Democratic 
ticket  went  down  to  defeat.  The  enthusiasm  and  earnestness 
with  which  his  Indiana  friends  supported  him  for  President  at 
the  Saint  Louis  convention  in  1876  has  never  been  exceeded, 
and  the  thrilling  scene  in  the  Chicago  convention  in  1884,  when 
the  attempt  was  made  to  nominate  him  for  President,  will  ever 
be  remembered  as  positive  proof  of  his  great  popularity  through 
out  the  United  States.  Nominated  in  1876  for  Vice-President, 
he  carried  his  State  in  a  brilliant  contest,  in  which  he  was  op 
posed  by  a  thoroughly  organized  party,  under  the  leadership  of 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  the  ablest  and  strongest  Republican  who 
ever  lived  in  Indiana  ;  and  nominated  again  for  Vice-President 
in  1884,  he  again  led  his  party  to  victory  in  a  canvass  that  will 
ever  remain  memorable  in  the  history  of  our  country. 

On  the  threshold  of  grand  honors  and  high  authority  he  died, 
among  his  kindred  and  friends,  in  his  own  State,  at  his  own 
home,  where  he  was  enjoying  the  affection  of  his  accomplished 
and  devoted  wife.  If  death  can  be  robbed  of  his  sting;  if  the 
pathway  to  the  tomb  can  be  smoothed,  surely  he  went  to  his 
grave  in  ' '  ways  of  peace  and  paths  of  pleasantness. ' ' 

His  friends  are  preparing  to  erect  a  monument  to  his  memory. 
He  needs  no  momiment  to  perpetuate  the  blazonry  of  his  deeds, 
the  triumphs  of  his  eventful  life,  or  the  beauty  and  simplicity 


88  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICK'S. 

of  his  character.  "Not  all  the  marble  of  Carrara,  fashioned  by 
the  chisel  of  Angelo  into  the  mimicry  of  breathing  life,  can 
convey  to  the  senses  a  likeness  so  perfect  as  that  which  he  has 
left  on  the  minds  of  men. ' '  Yet  I  believe  the  monument  should 
be  erected.  It  will  be  an  inspiration  to  this  and  succeeding 
generations;  it  will  be  an  evidence  of  the  love  and  esteem  of 
his  countrymen  whom  he  served  so  faithfully  and  on  whom  he 
reflected  the  grandeur  of  his  patriotism  and  statesmanship,  and 
it  will  tell  the  world  that  he  belonged  to  an  honored  race,  of 
which  he  was  a  chief  and  a  champion. 


Address  of  Mr.  LONG,  of  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  sure  the  loyal  Commonwealth  of  Massa 
chusetts,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  in  part  upon  this 
floor,  would  not  have  me  remain  silent  when,  because  I  once 
occupied  her  executive  chair,  I  am  asked  by  the  courtesy  of  the 
Representatives  of  her  sister  State  of  Indiana  to  join  in  the  rec 
ognition  which  the  House  to-day  pays  to  the  memory  of  the 
late  Vice- President  of  the  United  States.  Her  great  majority, 
Mr.  Speaker,  differed  from  him  upon  all  the  leading  political 
issues  which  agitated  the  country  during  his  public  career,  and 
on  which  they  believed  his  views  to  be  contrary  to  the  public 
welfare.  But  they  recognize  not  alone  the  high  abilities  which 
won  him  distinguished  advancement  in  the  profession  of  the 
law,  of  which  he  was  an  ornament,  and  in  the  councils  of  his 
State  and  the  nation,  the  highest  places  of  which  he  reached, 
but  also  and  especially  the  undoubted  consistency  of  his  polit 
ical  life  and  the  excellences  and  worth  which,  in  his  private 
character,  gave  him  such  a  remarkably  strong  hold  upon  the 
people  of  his  State,  and  endeared  him,  as  the  spontaneous  testi 
mony  of  members  of  all  political  parties  shows,  to  the  large 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  LONG,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  89 

and,  we  may  well  say,  the  deserved  circle  of  his  personal  friends. 
He  was  the  Vice-President  of  the  East  as  well  as  of  the  West— 
of  Indiana  not  more  than  of  Massachusetts.  And  when,  soon 
after  his  election,  he  came  to  that  ancient  Commonwealth,  it  was 
to  receive  at  all  hands  more  generously  even  than  he  could  have 
anticipated  the  distinguished  and  cordial  welcome  which  was 
due  him  in  his  exalted  station;  to  be  invited  to  the  hospitality 
of  her  municipalities  and  of  her  seats  of  learning;  and  to  he 
greeted  by  the  whole  body  of  her  intelligent  and  patriotic  peo 
ple,  who  stand  always  ready  to  support  this  Republic  of  indis 
soluble  union  and  liberty,  and  who  will  fail  in  no  obligation  to 
those  who  have  been  chosen  to  administer  its  high  offices. 

The  life  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  sir,  illustrates,  I  believe,  not 
only  the  splendid  opportunities  of  American  manhood,  the  mas 
tery  of  circumstance,  the  attainment  by  self-exertion  of  high 
commanding  place.  It  illustrates  all  these,  and  illustrates 
them  signally;  yet  I  love  to  think  it  illustrates  still  more  the 
elastic  and  admirable  adjustability  of  our  national  system — its 
strength  residing  in  its  very  ease  and  variety  of  change.  Coming 
into  power  as  the  representative  of  a  party  which  for  a  quarter 
of  a  century  had  been  out  of  the  executive  administration,  with 
what  patriotic  gratification  we  all  now  recall  the  fact  that  he 
encountered  no  look  askance,  no  sullen  defiance,  but  wherever 
he  went  a  generous  spirit  of  loyalty,  a  general  readiness  to  ac 
cept  the  new  departure  for  all  it  was  worth,  a  concensus  of  public 
sentiment  in  the  hope  of  the  public  welfare,  and  a  disposition 
to  give  the  new  administration  every  facility  for  the  promotion 
of  every  good  cause.  He  became  the  second  officer  of  a  reunited 
Republic  which  had  a  few  years  ago  overcome  the  terrible  con 
vulsion  that  not  only  for  a  time  rent  North  and  South  apart, 
but  also,  it  should  be  remembered  to-day,  strained  the  North 


9O  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

itself  iii  sharp  and  threatening  political  divisions  of  policy  and 
sentiment,  of  the  more  unpopular  extreme  of  which  he  was  per 
haps  the  most  distinguished  representative.  And  yet  to  the 
second  place  in  the  administration  of  that  restored  Union  the 
revolving  wheel  of  events  raised  him ;  and  to-day  I  believe,  and 
we  all  believe,  and  the  world  is  acknowledging,  that  Union  is 
stronger,  is  more  united,  aye,  is  more  loyal,  Mr.  Speaker,  be 
cause  of  the  discipline  of  that  convulsion  and  of  our  magnificent 
and  triumphant  mastery  of  it.  Already  we  realize  what  his 
tory  will  record — that  all's  well  that  is  ended  well.  Over  your 
head,  sir,  is  the  flag  of  a  Republic  which,  in  its  very  storm  and 
peril,  brought  out  leaders  and  representatives  of  the  variety  of 
opinion  referred  to  by  my  friend  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Mc- 
CREARY]  and  constituting  that  galaxy  of  clustering  stars  in  our 
historical  firmament,  some  names  of  which  he  enumerated;  a 
Republic  which  has  thus  shown  itself  to  be  so  happily  consti 
tuted,  so  constitutionally  systemized,  that  it  plucks  the  flower 
of  safety  out  of  every  nettle  of  danger.  And  does  this  because 
the  freedom  which  it  extends  to  individuality,  though  that  in 
dividuality  be  unpopular,  the  freedom  which  it  extends  to  the 
right  of  private  judgment,  to  the  expression  of  honest  difference 
of  opinion,  to  the  heated  ebullition  and  therefore  the  purer  dis 
tillation  of  national  sentiment — that  very  freedom  results  in  the 
one  true,  sure  foundation  of  a  government  of  the  people — which 
is  their  education  by  their  mutual  attrition  up  to  their  duties 
and  their  rights.  All  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  believe — and  it  seems 
to  me  to  be  the  real  significance  of  this  occasion — all  this  is  in 
dicative  of  what  lies  deepest  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  peo 
ple  and  most  animates  them.  The  frets,  the  yest,  the  white- 
caps  are  always  on  the  surface;  and,  beaten  by  them,  our  toss 
ing  craft  of  local  and  personal  interests  seem  to  be  always  in 


ADDRESS  OF  AIR.   THROCKMORTON,  OF  TEXAS.  91 

storm  and  in  shipwreck.  But  beneath  these,  thank  Heaven, 
the  deep,  unfathomable  caves  of  public  opinion,  of  national  loy 
alty,  of  popular  brotherhood  and  common  interest  lie  serene 
and  undisturbed.  They  are  an  immeasurable  fountain  of  the 
wholesome  waters  of  life.  They  are  an  inexhaustible  reservoir 
of  the  health  of  a  republic  of  educated,  self-respecting,  and  equal 
freemen. 


Address  of  Mr.  THROCKMORTON,  of  Texas. 

Mr.  Speaker,  representing  a  people  who  intelligently  appre 
ciated  his  public  services  and  throughout  his  career  honored 
and  trusted  him,  I  offer  my  humble  tribute  of  admiration  to 
the  memory  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

We  best  honor  the  dead  and  most  benefit  the  living  when  we 
form  a  just  estimate  of  their  characters  and  lives  and  accept 
and  apply  the  instructive  and  inspiriting  lessons  which  they 
teach. 

Great  gifts  are  the  necessary  conditions  of  a  great  character, 
but  the  existence  of  the  former  does  not  always  guarantee  the 
possession  of  the  latter ;  because  character,  in  contradistinction 
to  endowments,  represents  the  fashioning  of  the  latter  into  dis 
tinctive  forms.  They  stand  related  as  the  marble  block  to  the 
perfect  statue  hewn  from  it.  God  gives  the  one  ;  man  himself, 
by  his  thought  and  action,  creates  the  other.  As  the  statue  is 
the  concretion  of  the  artistic  thought,  so  a  great  character  must 
be  formed  upon  a  great  ideal  and  be  developed  in  harmony  with 
it.  The  apt  parable  used  by  the  great  Teacher  to  illustrate 
the  historical  development  of  the  Christian  system  with  equal 
force  teaches  the  order  of  human  growth,  "First  the  blade, 
then  the  ear  ;  after  that  the  full  corn  in  the  ear"  —inception, 
development,  and  maturity. 


92  I-IFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  If  END  RICA'S. 

Life  is  character  in  movement — is  the  visible  expression  of 
the  sum  of  human  energies  in  their  organized  activity.  The 
best-equipped  soldier  will  win  no  victories  in  the  absence  of 
conflict,  and  the  wisest  programme  will  avail  nothing  in  vain- 
able  results  in  the  absence  of  opportunities  for  its  execution. 
As  movement  is  the  condition  of  growth,  so  appropriate  occa 
sions  must  be  supplied  to  awaken  and  stimulate  the  potent  but 
otherwise  latent  human  forces  which  produce  that  great  work 
called  life.  We  cannot,  therefore,  conceive  of  a  grand  life 
except  when  we  contemplate  capacity  in  conjunction  with  its 
appropriate  and  sufficient  opportunities.  A  heroic  occasion, 
crowned  by  a  heroic  act,  sometimes  determines  before  the  world 
a  grand  life,  giving  not  only  its  quality  but  supplying  its  meas 
ure.  Such  occasions,  however,  are  rare  and  exceptional.  Only 
here  and  there  in  human  history  is  found  a  Thermopylae  and  a 
Leonidas  to  stand  in  the  breach. 

The  common  fortune  embraces  only  the  ordinary  occurrences 
of  humanity,  and  the  excellence  that  attaches  to  each  well-done 
act  must  be  the  measiire  of  the  glory  that  crowns  a  finished 
career.  While  character  is  an  evolution  in  an  important  and 
popular  sense,  life  is  a  cumulation,  to  be  estimated  not  by  its 
individual  incidents  but  their  aggregate.  The  grandeur  of  a 
career  is  measured  by  the  sum  of  the  great  and  excellent  things 
that  may  have  been  done.  Time,  therefore,  no  less  than  op 
portunities,  generally  becomes  an  important  element  of  human 
greatness. 

The  distinguished  statesman  whom  we  seek  to  honor  by  these 
memorial  services  was  fortunate  in  the  possession  of  the  capaci 
ties  and  conditions  needful  to  the  largest  human  success.  Gifted 
with  splendid  powers,  he,  in  his  youth,  conceived  that  ideal 
upon  which  his  character  was  formed  and  his  energies  directed. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.    THROCKMORTON,   OF  TEXAS.  93 

He  lived  in  that  crucial  period  of  our  history  when  great  occa 
sions  and  inspiring  opportunities  were  constantly  supplied;  and, 
finally,  the  Master  of  life  gave  him  "length  of  days,"  so  that 
he  not  only  scattered  but  gathered  the  fruits  of  his  sowing;  not 
only  worked  and  .sometimes  "went  forth  weeping,"  but  saw 
the  fruits  of  his  labors  and  returned  ' '  bearing  his  sheaves  with 
him." 

In  the  life  and  fortunes  of  Mr.  HEXDRICKS  we  have  a  splen 
did  illustration  of  the  honorable  successes  that  will  crown  defi 
nite  and  sustained  effort  in  public  life  under  our  free  institutions. 
He  was  specific  in  his  purposes — personal,  domestic,  social,  and 
political.  He  set  himself  to  do  a  specific  work  in  every  relation 
of  life,  and  consecrated  all  his  powers  continuously  and  persist 
ently  until  the  end  sought  was  accomplished.  To  this  definite- 
ness  of  aim,  this  steadiness  of  purpose,  and  its  sustained,  patient, 
hopeful  endeavor  are  referable  the  successes  and  honors  that 
crowned  him.  There  was  nothing  episodical  in  his  career; 
nothing  spasmodic  in  his  efforts;  nothing  fragmentary  in  his 
life.  In  defeat  and  victory,  under  cloud  and  sunshine,  he  res 
olutely  attempted  to  realize  in  action  his  convictions  of  duty. 
He  was  a  typical  American  citizen  and  statesman,  representing 
fully  as  any  one  who  has  preceded  him  the  full  capabilities  and 
consumations  of  American  manhood.  And  now,  full  of  years 
and  honors,  in  the  maturity  of  his  character,  he  has  been 
gathered  to  his  fathers.  He  wrought  wisely,  and  his  life  in  its 
round  perfected  unity  praises  him. 

There  is  much  in  the  useful  and  splendid  career  of  Mr.  HRN- 
DRICKS  which  should  encourage  those  who  survive  him  to 
higher  and  more  unselfish  devotion  to  the  country  and  Govern 
ment  he  loved  so  well  and  served  so  loyally. 

And  there  is  in  that  life  lessons  of  courage  and  firmness,  of 


94  ///''A  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

magnanimity,  and  devotion  to  convictions  of  duty,  a  steady 
adherence  to  principle  and  a  singleness  and  purity  of  purpose 
that  should  inspire  those  to  whom  the  destinies  of  this  great 
Republic  are  soon  to  be  intrusted  with  the  same  excellence  of 
purpose  and  patriotic  devotion  to  country  that  made  it  so  con 
spicuous  in  shining  virtues  and  crowning  glories. 


Address  of  Mr.  DINGLEY,  of  Maine. 

Mr.  Speaker,  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  House  who  occu 
pied  the  executive  chair  of  a  State  of  the  Union  contempora 
neously  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  service  as  governor  of  Indiana, 
I  have  been  invited  to  briefly  speak  on  this  occasion. 

My  personal  acquaintance  with  the  late  Vice-President  was 
slight,  and  my  knowledge  of  him  mainly  confined  to  sources 
open  to  all.  While  my  own  political  views  were  in  sharp  an 
tagonism  to  those  held  by  him,  and  I  often  had  occasion  to  ex 
press  my  dissent  from  his  position  on  many  public  questions, 
yet  I  recognized  his  ability  and  admired  his  kindly  nature  and 
unspotted  private  character. 

Though  I  met  Mr.  HENDRICKS  socially  only  once,  yet  I  saw 
enough  of  him  on  that  occasion  to  understand  the  secret  of  his 
great  personal  popularity  in  Indiana.  The  kindliness  of  his 
manner,  his  affability  toward  all  who  approached  him,  and  his 
uniform  courtesy  to  the  humblest,  united  with  a  dignity  and 
self-poise  which  lent  a  charm  to  his  presence,  made  him  hosts 
of  friends,  and  even  disarmed  to  a  certain  extent  the  criticisms 
of  political  opponents. 

In  the  heat  of  party  conflicts,  characterized  so  often  by  unjust 
assaults  on  personal  character,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  heard 
or  read  any  charge  reflecting  on  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  integrity. 
Certainly  if  any  such  charge  was  ever  made  it  fell  harmless  at 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.   HEWITT,   OF  NEW  YORK.  95 

his  feet.  His  private  life  was  above  reproach,  and  his  example 
a  beneficent  influence  in  the  community  in  which  he  lived. 
The  loving  tenderness  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  domestic  life,  as 
illustrated  by  incidents  which  have  found  their  way  into  print, 
has  made  his  memory  in  this  respect  a  sweet  savor  wherever 
happy  homes  are  recognized  as  the  citadel  of  national  virtue 
and  the  hope  of  the  world. 

The  time  came  to  the  late  Vice-President,  as  it  must  come 
sooner  or  later  to  all,  when  the  honors  of  this  world,  high  as 
were  those  with  which  he  was  crowned,  faded  into  insignifi 
cance,  and  the  soul's  queries  of  "What  then?"  asserted  their 
rightful  pre-eminence.  In  such  a  supreme  test  of  truth  infi 
delity  and  skepticism  disclose  their  nakedness,  and  only  the 
eye  of  Christian  faith  can  look  through  the  somber  cloud  and 
see  the  golden  lining  on  the  other  side. 

Such  a  faith  Mr.  HENDRICKS  avowed  and  leaned  on  when 
declining  health  admonished  him  that  the  end  of  this  life 
approached  and  the  life  beyond  drew  near. 


Address  of  Mr.  HEWITT,  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  never  felt  greater  regret  at  the  absence  of  my 
former  colleague,  Mr.  Cox,  from  this  House  than  on  the  pres 
ent  occasion,  when  the  friend  of  his  youth  is  the  subject  of 
eulogy.  With  his  insight  into  character,  his  charming  felicity 
of  language,  his  grace  of  illustration,  justice  would  have  been 
done  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  York  to  the  memory  of  the 
departed  statesman. 

My  personal  acquaintance  with  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  only 
began  after  his  nomination  for  Vice-President  on  the  Demo 
cratic  ticket  in  1876.  I  was,  of  course,  familiar  with  his  career 
during  the  many  years  when  he  made  his  record  in  his  own 


96  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HF..NDIUCKS. 

State  and  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  as  a  faithful  public 
servant,  as  the  advocate  of  sound  political  principles,  and  as  the 
opponent  of  legislation  which  tends  to  create  privileged  classes 
and  to  enrich  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many. 

So  high  a  position  did  Mr.  HENDRICKS  occupy  in  the  public 
esteem  that  his  nomination  for  first  place  on  the  ticket  was 
earnestly  pressed,  and  possibly  by  a  majority  of  the  Democratic 
voters  really  desired.  When,  however,  other  considerations 
prevailed,  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  like  a  soldier  under  orders,  cheer 
fully  accepted  the  second  place  on  the  ticket,  and  contributed 
greatly  to  the  success  of  the  campaign  which  resulted  in  the 
election  of  Tilden  and  Hendricks  to  the  highest  offices  in  the 
gift  of  the  people.  It  was  during  this  great  struggle  that  I 
first  made  the  personal  acquaintance  of  the  departed  statesman, 
and  the  friendship  then  commenced  continued  unbroken  until 
his  death. 

The  impression  made  upon  me  by  my  first  interview  with 
him  was  strengthened  by  continued  intercourse.  He  was  a 
direct-minded  and  single-hearted  man.  He  had  no  conceal 
ments  and  no  reserve  of  confidence  from  those  who  were  brought 
into  relations  of  intimacy  with  him.  His  mind  naturally  found 
its  way  to  the  elementary  conditions  of  truth,  and  there  were 
no  devious  methods  of  thought  or  action  by  which  the  truth 
thus  found  was  ever  obscured  or  perverted. 

Starting  thus  on  the  fundamental  basis  of  principle,  his  logic 
was  severe  and  irresistible.  He  never  stated  a  proposition 
which  he  did  not  justify  by  adequate  fact  and  argument.  His 
unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Democratic  party  was  due  to  his 
absolute  faith  in  its  principles.  He  did  not  deny  the  patriotism 
of  his  political  adversaries,  and  he  recognized  their  partial  ac 
ceptance  of  the  doctrines  which  from  the  time  of  Jefferson  to 
the  era  of  the  civil  war  had  ruled  the  policy  of  the  country. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HEWITT,   OF  NEW  YORK.  97 

But  iii  one  respect  lie  thought  there  was  a  fundamental  dis 
tinction.  He  did  not  regard  the  Republican  creed  as  calculated 
to  secure  equal  rights  to  all  men.  Hence  he  was  always  firm 
in  his  adherence  to  the  Democratic  party,  because  he  believed 
that  the  welfare  of  the  people  could  only  be  secured  by  the 
fullest  recognition  of  its  principles.  He  was  thus  necessarily 
a  partisan,  but  always  sincere,  always  manly,  always  truthful. 
This  sincerity  of  character  was  best  understood  where  he  was 
best  known,  in  his  own  State  of  Indiana,  which  delighted  to 
honor  him  with  its  highest  rewards,  and  twice  cast  its  electoral 
vote  for  him  when  any  other  man  would  have  lost  the  State. 
In  1880  the  experiment  was  tried,  and  Indiana  gave  its  vote  to 
the  Republican  candidates.  In  1884  my  belief  is  that  his  nom 
ination  secured  the  success  of  the  Democratic  ticket.  It  pre 
sented  an  issue  addressed  to  the  conscience  of  the  people,  and  in 
the  State  of  New  York  especially  was  so  acceptable  to  a  portion 
of  the  party,  otherwise  dissatisfied,  that  personal  grievances  were 
to  a  large  extent  swallowed  up  and  postponed  to  the  larger 
duty  of  justice  to  the  man  in  whose  person  the  will  of  the 
people  had  once  been  nullified.  I  do  not  think  that  I  overesti 
mate  the  value  of  this  feeling  of  loyalty  to  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
both  in  New  York  and  in  Indiana,  and  but  for  its  existence  I 
am  quite  clear  that  no  accession  of  independent  voters  could 
have  neutralized  the  strong  current  of  feeling  among  a  portion 
of  the  Democratic  voters  for  the  candidates  of  the  other  party. 

This  feeling  of  loyalty  was  largely  due  to  the  disinterested 
and  patriotic  course  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  during  the  agitation 
which  followed  the  election  of  1876.  It  was  not  his  business 
then  to  lead  the  party,  but  he  was  always  ready  to  be  consulted 
and  to  give  advice.  He  showed  no  reticence  in  council,  and  no 
lack  of  confidence  in  the  men  who  were  intrusted  with  the  lead 
ership  of  the  party.  He  concurred  cheerfully  in  the  conclu- 
S.  Mis.  120 7 


98  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

sions  at  which  they  arrived,  and  he  did  not  put  or  keep  himself 
in  the  position  of  approving  their  action  if  it  should  succeed  or 
of  disavowing  it  if  it  should  fail.  Neither  when  an  adverse 
result  was  reached  did  he  express  any  vain  regrets  as  to  his 
hard  fortune,  and  he  never  called  in  question  the  courage  and 
patriotism  of  the  Congressional  representatives  of  a  majority  of 
the  people  in  the  decision  of  one  of  the  gravest  problems  ever 
encountered  in  the  political  history  of  the  world.  On  the  con 
trary,  he  recognized  to  the  fullest  extent  the  untiring  diligence, 
the  unshaken  fidelity,  the  true  wisdom  of  the  Democratic  ma 
jority  who  passed  the  measure  of  settlement  by  which  peace  and 
order  were  secured  to  the  nation  at  the  cost  only  of  a  temporary 
delay  in  the  transfer  of  the  administration  to  Democratic  con 
trol.  It  was  thus  that  Mr.  HENDRICKS  gained  the  respect  of 
the  nation  and  insured  his  place  in  history  as  a  statesman  and  a 
patriot. 

I  have  said  that  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  necessarily  a  partisan, 
but  I  have  endeavored  to  show  that  his  partisanship  was  never 
exerted  at  the  expense  of  his  patriotism.  I  have  been  moved 
to  this  statement  because  I  have  observed  a  disposition  in  some 
quarters  to  exaggerate  and  extenuate  his  partisan  feelings. 
There  is  no  reason  for  any  apology  or  explanation  so  far  as  his 
views  in  regard  to  appointments  to  public  office  are  concerned. 
These  views  coincided  with  the  opinions  expressed  by  Washing 
ton  and  Jefferson,  and  were  once  at  least  clearly  defined.  I 
quote  from  his  letter  of  acceptance  of  the  Democratic  nomina 
tion  in  1876,  in  which  he  said  : 

In  the  reform  of  our  civil  service  I  most  heartily  indorse  that  section  of  the  platform 
which  declares  that  the  civil  service  ought  not  to  be  "subject  to  change  at  every  elec 
tion,"  and  that  it  ought  not  to  be  made  "the  brief  reward  of  party  zeal,  but  ought  to  be 
awarded  for  proved  competency  and  held  for  fidelity  in  the  public  service."  I  hope 
never  again  to  see  the  cruel  and  remorseless  proscription  for  political  opinions  which 
has  disgraced  the  administration  for  the  last  eight  years.  Bad  as  the  civil  service  now 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HEWITT,   OF  NEW  YORK.  99 

is,  as  all  know,  it  has  some  men  of  tried  integrity  and  personal  ability.  Such  men,  and 
such  men  only,  should  be  retained  in  office;  but  no  man  should  be  retained,  on  any 
consideration,  who  has  prostituted  his  office  to  the  purposes  of  partisan  intimidation  or 
compulsion  or  wlio  has  furnished  money  to  corrupt  the  elections.  This  is  done  and 
has  been  done  in  almost  every  county  in  the  land.  It  is  a  blight  upon  the  morals  of  the 
country  and  ought  to  be  reformed. 

I  hold  this  to  be  the  true  doctrine  in  regard  to  appointments 
to  office,  and  if  it  has  been  violated  I  am  not  aware  that  Mr. 
HEXDRICKS  ever  uttered  a  word  or  did  an  act  which  attaches 
the  responsibility  of  its  violation  to  his  memory. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  simplicity  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS' S  charac 
ter.  But  with  it  went,  as  is  always  the  case  with  noble  natures, 
the  calm  dignity  of  conscious  intellectual  power  and  controlling 
moral  force.  It  was  my  privilege  in  1877  to  introduce  Mr. 
HENDRICKS  into  a  circle  representative  of  the  culture,  the  genius, 
the  intelligence,  and  the  rank  of  Great  Britain.  There  were 
present  statesmen,  authors,  cabinet  ministers,  members  of  the 
aristocracy  and  of  the  royal  family,  between  whom  the  inter 
course  was  as  delightful  as  it  was  unconstrained.  Mr.  HEN 
DRICKS,  fresh  from  the  great  contest  from  which  he  had  emerged 
as  a  victor  without  the  fruits  of  victory,  was  naturally  an  object 
of  great  interest,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  circle  of  intelligent 
men  and  charming  women.  His  bearing  was  that  of  a  man  who 
had  passed  his  life  in  courts,  and  his  republican  manners  were 
marked  by  natural  tact  and  graceful  courtesy.  He  was  the  equal 
of  the  first  gentleman  of  the  land  in  dignity,  and  the  peer  of 
the  greatest  statesman  present  in  intellect  and  conversation.  It 
was  on  this  occasion  that  I  heard  him  approve  and  defend  the 
wisdom  of  the  Electoral  Commission  which  had  awarded  the 
Vice-Presidency  to  his  opponent.  Salus  populi  suprema  lex 
was  quoted  as  the  final  principle  upon  which  public  action  is 
to  be  based,  and  of  his  adherence  to  this  doctrine  the  whole  life 
and  career  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  is  a  convincing  proof. 


IOO          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

For  him  the  conflict  of  life  is  past  with  honor.  He  has  fought 
the  good  fight.  For  us  his  example  remains,  urging  us  to  be, 
as  he  was,  diligent  in  the  public  business,  careful  in  judgment, 
faithful  in  action,  and,  above  all,  patriotic  in  the  discharge  of 
the  gravest  duties  which  have  ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  men,  in 
that  we  represent  the  idea  of  self-government,  upon  the  success 
ful  issue  of  which  will  depend  largely  the  welfare  of  mankind. 
Toward  the  final  consummation  for  which  we  strive  THOMAS 
A.  HENDRICKS  contributed  in  his  day  and  generation  his  full 
share  of  labor  and  of  achievement,  and  as  a  man  of  the  people 
he  will  not  be  forgotten  by  the  people  in  whose  service  he  lived 
and  died. 


Address  of  Mr.  BROWNE,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Speaker,  history  repeats  itself.  Not  a  month  passes  but 
the  sad  tidings  come  to  us  that  a  notable  man  has  fallen.  It 
was  but  yesterday  that  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  with  us  ; 
to-day  he  is  gone — 

To  solve  the  mightiest  mystery  of  all. 

To-day  his  associates  in  public  life  pause  in  the  shadow  of  the 
national  bereavement  to  speak  of  his  public  services  and  his  per 
sonal  virtues.  He  of  whom  we  speak  has  gone  where  earthly 
honors  and  mortal  eulogies  are  as  empty  sounds,  but  the  homage 
we  pay  the  dead  softens  the  asperities  of  partisan  life  and  incites 
a  virtuous  emulation  ;  "it  exerts  a  harmonizing  influence  on 
the  universal  heart,  and  promotes  the  formation  of  a  true  nation 
ality. "  Standing  far  from  him  in  party  politics,  differing  from 
him  on  almost  every  question  of  public  policy,  antagonizing 
him,  often  warmly,  and  perhaps  bitterly,  in  partisan  controversy, 
I  acknowledge  his  great  talents  and  pay  a  sincere  tribute  to  the 
integrity  of  his  public  and  the  blamelessness  of  his  private  life. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BROWNE,  OF  INDIANA.  IQI 

His  public  record  belongs  to  the  country  ;  it  will  be  judged 
in  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion.  As  in  the  case  of  others  who 
were  prominently  identified  with  that  most  tempestuous  epoch 
in  our  national  history,  many  will  approve,  many  condemn  it. 
We  always  judge  our  adversaries  from  our  point  of  view,  and 
take  it  ill  if  they  discard  our  ideas  and  act  and  speak  according 
to  their  own.  To  do  even  and  exact  justice  we  should  view 
them  not  from  our  position,  but  from  theirs. 

In  passing  upon  the  opinions  and  actions  of  those  who  have 
thwarted  our  purposes  and  sharply  criticised  our  most  cherished 
convictions  we  should  remember  "that  he  who  is  most  charita 
ble  in  judgment  is  generally  the  least  unjust." 

In  life,  in  the  excitements  and  bustle  of  our  active  and  pro 
gressive  life,  in  the  scramble  for  place,  because  of  our  ambitious 
jealousy  for  preferment,  blinded  by  our  selfishness,  we  withhold 
from  the  living  what  is  justly  theirs  ;  but  when  we  stand  in  the 
presence  of  the  dead  it  is  creditable  to  our  common  humanity 
that  the  generous  impulses  of  our  nature  come  to  the  front  and 
rebuke  the  unreasoning  prejudice  which  denies  sincerity  of 
conviction  and  honesty  of  purpose  to  those  who  refuse  to  in 
dorse  our  opinions  or  accept  our  policy. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  not  only  a  most  distinguished  citizen, 
but  was  the  second  officer  of  a  great  Republic.  A  position  so 
exalted,  so  honorable,  would  not  have  been  bestowed  by  the 
voluntary  suffrages  of  the  people  had  he  not  impressed  himself 
upon  the  public  thought  and  won  a  place  in  the  popular  heart. 
Personal  worth  and  great  abilities  only  could  have  secured  this 
high  evidence  of  a  people's  confidence. 

A  tall  man  was  he  among  the  people,  conspicuous  for  his  abilities.  A  strong  man 
by  the  power  of  his  eloquence  and  the  breadth  of  his  acquirements,  he  won  his  way  in 
the  ranks  of  his  party  to  near  its  leadership. 


IO2          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

If  not  the  leader  of  his  party  in  his  State,  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
was  a  force  that  commanded  its  supremest  respect.  He  won 
this  distinction  by  his  character,  his  genius,  his  personal  mag 
netism.  His  party  gave  him  its  undivided  allegiance  and  pro 
moted  with  undeviating  zeal  his  every  ambition.  Tn  his  can 
vasses  for  governor,  Senator,  President,  he  had  no  rival  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Indiana  Democracy.  He  was,  without  challenge, 
its  chief  representative.  If  he  did  not  formulate  its  policy,  he 
accepted  it  as  the  tnie  faith  ;  if  he  did  not  go  before,  he  kept 
well  abreast  of  the  party  alignment,  went  into  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  congratulated  his  forces  in  victory,  or  in  defeat  cov 
ered  their  retreat.  He  was  not  a  political  boss.  He  com 
manded  without  using  the  tone  of  a  master ;  he  governed 
without  whip  or  bastile  ;  he  was  king,  but  reigned  by  common 
consent  and  made  his  subjects  his  peers.  He  managed  the 
methods  and  the  language  of  politics  with  marvelous  dexterity. 
He  was  cautious,  artful,  plausible,  and  at  all  times  perfectly 
self-possessed. 

It  was  said : 

There  was  something  in  the  mere  aspect  of  a  large  popular  assembly  which  had  for 
him  a  special  attraction.  His  manner  in  addreasing  a  mixed  audience  was  peculiarly 
his  own — neither  that  of  conversation  nor  oratory;  something  better  suited  than  either 
to  his  purpose.  He  was  one  of  the  most  impressive  and  successful  of  public  canvassers. 
He  did  not  disregard  the  unconsidered  trifles  of  the  campaign.  There  was  an  affluent 
grace  in  his  salutations  which  largely  supplemented  his  argument.  He  was,  moreover, 
a  man  of  normal  action  and  opinion,  following  the  ordinary  bent  and  tenets  of  his  party; 
no  fanatic,  extremist,  or  zealot  upon  any  subject;  not  such  a  one  as  the  multitude  often 
follow,  but  a  character  smoothly  rounded  to  completeness,  without  edges  or  angles,  with 
no  corners  in  his  creed;  yet  he  was,  and  continued  to  be,  a  popular  favorite  to  the  last. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  not  of  the  Mirabeau  and  Danton  school 
of  orators — orators  who  inaugurate  tumult  and  revolution.  He 
did  not  make  harangues  that  "sent  hands  to  the  sword-hilt 
and  men  to  battle  as  to  a  banquet. ' '  Over  his  party  adherents 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  BROWNE,   OF  INDIANA.  103 

he  maintained  an  almost  absolute  mastery.  For  years  his  party 
was  out  of  power  and  he  wholly  without  patronage,  but  he  held 
it  to  his  fortunes,  and  there  was  no  sign  of  revolt.  His  defeats 
seemed  to  intensify  its  devotion  and  arouse  it  to  greater  effort. 

A  marked  trait  in  Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  mental  equipment  was 
his  conservatism.  He  was  too  much  wredded  to  usage  and  tra 
dition  to  tolerate  without  challenge  a  departure  from  them.  He 
reverenced  a  long-established  national  policy,  and  thought  to 
touch  it  was  to  profane  a  sacred  thing.  He  accepted  the  Con 
stitution  as  the  earlier  statesmen  had  fashioned  it,  and  sought 
to  arrest  the  revolution  that  wrote  in  it,  with  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  a  new  charter  of  human  rights.  He  would  have  re 
pressed  the  inspiration  for  liberty  born  of  the  shock  of  battle 
to  save  to  posterity  without  amendment  the  institutions  of  the 
fathers.  The  Constitution  as  it  was  challenged  his  admiration, 
and  he  maintained  that  to  touch  it  was  to  endanger  the  public 
safety.  His  views  were  overruled,  and  what  resulted  is  history 
irrevocable  forever.  Neither  approval  nor  criticism  will  recast 
it  nor  affect  public  or  individual  opinion.  Conservatism  as  a 
political  force,  however,  has  its  uses.  It  calls  a  halt;  it  argues; 
it  demands  a  reason  for  every  innovation  upon  existing  condi 
tions.  It  checks  imprudent  zeal  and  gives  time  for  cool  delib 
eration.  Only  when  it  stands  out  against  facts,  against  logic, 
against  public  opinion,  and  against  human  progress  is  it  cen 
surable. 

Against  the  integrity  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  as  a  public  servant 
no  tongue  has  uttered  a  word.  His  fame  as  an  honest  man  is 
unsullied  by  even  a  suspicion.  He  was  ever  true  to  himself,  to 
his  honor;  no  temptation  beguiled  to  venality,  and  no  dishonest 
dollar  touched  the  palm  of  his  hand.  In  an  age  like  ours,  when 
vice  yields  more  revenue  than  virtue,  when  fortunes  are  so  often 
obtained  without  labor,  and  money,  not  merit,  wins  position 


IC4          ///'"£  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICXS. 

and  power,  one  who  lives  an  honest  and  upright  life  is  worthy 
the  admiration  of  mankind. 

Monuments  of  marble  or  bronze  should  be  erected  in  our  public 
places  to  keep  the  memory  of  such  imperishable.  Had  Mr. 
HEXDRICKS  devoted  himself  to  the  law  and  stood  aloof  from 
the  excitements  and  exactions  of  politics  he  would  have  been 
among  the  foremost  lawyers  and  advocates  of  this  or  any  coun 
try.  As  it  was,  he  stood  in  the  foremost  rank.  He  had  many 
natural  advantages  ;  a  voice  of  melody,  a  pleasing  countenance, 
a  cultivated  intelligence,  a  clear  and  easy  elocution.  There 
was  in  his  manner  in  court  and  before  the  jury  that  which  was 
captivating.  When  he  .spoke  he  had  no  recourse  to  rambling 
epithets,  stilted  metaphor,  or  frenzied  declamation.  He  wasted 
no  time  in  his  exordiums,  but  grappled  the  point  in  controversy 
without  delay.  His  ideas  were  never  trivial  nor  his  language 
inflated.  His  words  were  generally  of  simple  Saxon,  his  logic 
elevated  and  forcible  ;  there  was  neither  extravagance  of  expres 
sion  nor  of  gesticulation.  Some  of  his  contemporaries  at  the 
bar  were  more  picturesque  and  vehement,  but  none  were  more 
graceful  or  adroit.  He  was  at  times  touchingly  eloquent,  his 
pathos  moving  the  feelings  and  moistening  the  eye  of  the  most 
obdurate.  He  resented  an  assault  upon  the  instant,  and  some 
times  with  marvelous  bitterness,  but  he  always  maintained  a 
perfect  mastery  over  his  passions.  He  was  both  dignified  and 
courteous  in  his  bearing,  and  commanded  the  most  respectful 
attention  from  all. 

In  the  memorial  of  the  bar  his  professional  associates  say  : 

Mr.  HKNDRICKS  was  throughout  the  whole  period  of  his  active  life  a  lawyer,  even  in 
his  last  days  concerned  in  the  conduct  of  causes.  His  entrance  upon  and  employments 
in  public  life  were  episodes,  excursions,  useful  to  himself  and  others,  but  did  not  divert 
him  from  the  beaten  path  of  forensic  labor.  On  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  in  the  halls  of 
legislation,  he  sojourned — at  the  bar,  in  the  courts,  he  dwelt. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  RANDALL,   OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  ]  CK 

As  a  citizen,  neighbor,  friend,  he  was  unrivaled  among  men. 
In  these  walks  he  was  beloved  by  all.  To  his  friends 

He  seemed  the  thing  he  was,  and  joined 

Each  office  of  the  social  hour 

To  noble  manners,  as  the  flower 
And  native  growth  of  noble  mind; 
And  thus  he  bore  without  abuse 

The  grand  old  name  of  gentleman. 

The  courtesies  of  his  life  were  broad  and  generous.  He  was 
always  the  polite  and  genial  gentleman,  kind  and  tolerant. 
His  private  life  deserved  all  admiration;  tender  and  blameless 
in  his  social  relations — devoted  to  his  friends,  affectionate  in 
his  family,  simple,  upright — these  virtues  are  his  eulogy,  more 
eloquent  than  tongue  can  utter. 

If— 

To  live  in  the  hearts  he  left  behind 
Is  not  to  die, 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  has  only  gone  nearer  the  Eternal  Light — has 
but  crossed  the  lowlands  to  dwell  on  the  mountain-top.  But 
he  is  dead,  and,  though  ripe  in  years  and  honors,  died  all  too 
soon.  Into  the  quiet  of  his  home  death  entered  unannounced, 
and  "his  spirit  drifted  away  on  the  bosom  of  that  dark  and 
shadowy  river"  that  flows  with  resistless  sweep  into  the  shore 
less  sea. 


Address  of  Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  life  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  singu 
larly  rounded  and  complete,  and  it  is  not  surprising  his  death 
excited  lamentation  general  and  sincere.  We  are  advised  by 
divine  inspiration  that  "  no  man  liveth  and  no  man  dieth  unto 
himself."  The  incidents  of  this  notable  and  honorable  career, 
the  story  of  this  leader  of  men,  have  been  fully  depicted  by  lov- 


IO6          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICK'S. 

ing  friends,  and  the  lesson  of  wisdom  the}-  teach  has  been  elo 
quently  enforced.  The  whole  field  has  been  covered,  so  that 
even  to  a  scrupulous  and  careful  gleaner  there  is  little  to  add. 

One  characteristic  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  to  me  lent  constant 
beauty  to  his  life.  He  was  the  embodiment  of  that  old  Latin 
saying,  "Mild  in  manner,  resolute  in  conviction.11  His  ways 
were  gentle  and  kind,  but  in  a  matter  of  right  or  wrong  he  was 
fixed  and  immovable.  No  seductions  could  allure,  no  terrors 
frighten  him;  to  duty  he  was  fidelity  itself.  He  was  easy  of 
approach.  He  dwelt  in  greatest  intimacy  with  his  neighbors. 
He  knew  the  heart-beats  of  the  people.  He  could  not  be 
deceived  as  to  their  wishes.  To  his  earnest  good-will  they 
responded  with  the  most  generous  confidence.  His  gentleness 
of  manner  won  them  to  his  presence,  and  then  his  learning, 
firmness,  honesty,  fidelity,  and  logic  bound  them  to  him. 

As  he  was  greater  than  others  individually  by  whom  he  was 
surrounded,  so,  too,  he  was  always  stronger  than  any  political 
organization  to  which  he  was  attached.  He  was  a  devoted  stu 
dent  of  the  principles  of  our  republican  Government.  He  an 
chored  his  hope  in  their  preservation,  in  their  pristine  integrity. 
He  was  the  firm  defender  of  our  well-balanced  powers  and  the 
distribution  of  duties  between  State  and  General  Government. 
He  believed  that  our  liberties  were  secure  only  when  all  tend 
ency  to  parental  government  and  toward  centralization  was 
resisted  and  destroyed.  Full  scope  was  to  be  given  for  the  reg 
ulation  of  mere  local  affairs  to  the  home  rule  of  State  legisla 
tures,  and  the  action  of  Congress  was  to  be  confined  to  legitimate 
Federal  affairs. 

In  his  public  conflicts  he  never  lost  the  sweetness  and  gentle 
ness  of  his  daily  life.  He  was  fixed  as  fate  in  his  resolution,  and 
yet  as  affable  and  unruffled  as  if  he  sailed  only  over  summer  seas. 

It  is  fitting  and  proper  that  the  great  Commonwealth  of  Penn- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  GEDDES,  OF  OHIO.  1 07 

sylvania  should  pay  the  tribute  of  its  affection  to  the  memory 
of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  He  was  the  descendant  of  one  of 
her  own  children.  His  uncle,  who  was  the  sole  Representative 
from  Indiana  to  Congress  from  1816  to  1822,  governor  of  that 
State  from  1822  to  1825,  an(^  fr°m  tne  latter  year  to  1837  its 
United  States  Senator,  was  born  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  in 
Westmoreland  County,  as  likewise  was  the  father  of  THOMAS 
A.  HENDRICKS,  who  in  after  years,  in  addition  to  the  honors 
worn  by  his  uncle,  was  elected  to  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the 
United  States.  They  were  Scotch-Irish  pioneers,  belonging  to 
a  race  of  men  of  splendid  plysical  form,  courage,  and  endurance, 
and  renowned  for  their  mental  vigor  and  strength  of  character. 
These  pioneers  were  the  ancestors  of  many  distinguished  fami 
lies  of  the  South  and  West.  Wherever  these  brave  men  fixed 
their  abode  the  land  brought  forth  abundantly  and  the  people 
prospered. 

The  late  Vice- President  died  as  he  had  lived,  calmly  and  se 
renely. 

Like  a  shadow  thrown 
Softly  and  sweetly  from  a  passing  cloud, 
Death  fell  upon  him. 


Address  of  Mr.  GEDDES,  of  Ohio. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  uppermost  thought  in  my  mind  is  the  in 
scrutable  Providence  manifested  in  the  death  of  our  late  Vice- 
President  at  a  time  when  in  our  worldly  calculations  we  seemed 
the  least  prepared  for  it.  It  again  enforces  the  lesson  so  often 
taught  and  so  hard  to  learn,  that 

God  moves  in  a  mysterious  way 

His  wonders  to  perform ; 
He  plants  his  footsteps  in  the  sea 

And  rides  upon  the  storm. 


TO8          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HF.NDRICKS. 

This  thought  of  an  overruling  Providence  in  our  national  and 
individual  affairs  can  alone  lead  us  to  a  true  conception  of  our 
duties  and  responsibilities.  We  will  not  forget  that  this  same 
Providence  has  directed,  guided,  and  shaped  the  affairs  of  our 
country  from  the  landing  of  the  colonists  at  Plymouth  and 
Jamestown  until  the  present  hour.  Idolized  leaders  of  a  party, 
champions  of  constitutional  liberty,  lovers  of  our  unexampled 
form  of  government  die  and  we  feel  the  most  painful  depression. 
When  the  death  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  announced  the 
calamity  was  so  great,  and  without  warning,  that  the  whole 
country  was  filled  with  the  most  profound  sorrow  and  tears  irre 
sistibly  filled  the  eyes  of  the  people. 

THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  born  in  Ohio,  but  early  in  life, 
when  only  six  months  old,  his  father  crossed  the  State  line  and 
gave  him  to  Indiana.  That  State,  therefore,  formed  the  thea 
ter  of  his  early  struggles.  There  he  engaged  in  laying  the 
foundation  of  that  usefulness  bounded  by  no  State  lines,  and  for 
which  the  whole  nation  with  one  accord — all  hearts  and  minds 
united — give  thanks  to  God  and  praise  to  our  free  institutions. 

His  life  proved  an  eventful  one.  He  was  an  able  and  accom 
plished  lawyer,  a  statesman  without  spot  or  blemish,  a  Demo 
crat  from  the  deepest  convictions,  and  therefore  a  partisan,  but 
deserving  and  receiving  the  highest  respect  of  the  best  men  of 
all  political  parties.  I  find  one  of  the  most  concise,  compre 
hensive,  and  just  tributes  to  his  character  and  memory  in  the 
Franklin  Jacksonian  that  I  have  noticed,  as  follows  : 

As  a  statesman  he  was  the  champion  of  the  Constitution,  the  pioneer  of  peace,  the 
prince  of  patriots,  of  tried  courage,  lofty  wisdom,  broad  intelligence,  noble  aspiration, 
and  true  manhood.  He  always  planted  the  royal  banner  of  pardon  and  love  upon  the 
battlements  of  sectionalism  or  personal  strife.  As  a  personal  friend  we  idolized  him. 
On  his  bosom  radiated  the  star  of  honor,  and  to  whose  memory  will  be  issued  the  highest 
patent  of  nobility.  His  impress  will  be  left  upon  the  country  so  long  as  truth,  courage, 
and  fidelity  to  principle  shall  find  a  home  in  the  hearts  and  hopes  of  men. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.   GEDDES,  OF  OHIO.  \  09 

Mr.  Speaker,  these  memorial  exercises  should  not  be  regarded 
as  a  waste  of  time  or  unprofitable,  for  they  are  in  obedience  to 
the  natural  instinct  of  mankind  and  preserve  a  custom  most 
agreeable  to  the  human  heart  and  creditable  to  the  sober  judg 
ment  of  all.  The  most  cultivated  nations  of  the  earth  manifest 
the  tenderest  regard  for  the  great  and  good  men  called  from 
time  to  eternity. 

It  is  an  occasion  when  the  purest  emotions  prevail  and  hearts 
grow  warm  with  the  inspiration  of  the  hour,  and  all  recognizing 
the  solemnity  and  sacredness  of  the  hour  reverently  recall  the 
life  struggles  and  triumphs  and  recount  some  of  the  noble  deads 
of  the  well-spent  life  of  the  illustrious  man  whose  memory  is  so 
dear  to  us. 

It  is  to  me  a  great  privilege  to  join  my  countrymen  heart  to 
heart  on  this  memorial  day,  as  I  did  on  the  day  when  the  mortal 
body  of  our  distinguished  American  citizen  was  so  tenderly  and 
lovingly  consigned  to  the  grave. 

Glowing  orator}-,  as  enduring  as  the  history  of  our  country, 
has  already  furnished  the  most  feeling  and  impressive  expres 
sions  of  merited  laudation.  Those  who  knew  him  best  have 
been  peculiarly  qualified  to  present  his  character  in  the  most 
appropriate  language.  History  will  hereafter  furnish  pages 
showing  how  his  life  was  inseparably  interwoven  with  the 
preservation  and  perpetuity  of  our  constitutional  form  of  gov 
ernment. 

History  informs  us  that  when  Xerxes  stood  in  the  presence 
of  an  immense  host  of  men  he  wept  at  the  thought  that  within 
a  hundred  years  all  of  that  immense  mass  of  human  beings 
would  be  dead  and  moldering  in  the  earth.  He  probably  felt 
that  all  of  life  consisted  in  worldly  aspirations,  hopes,  triumphs, 
.wealth,  and  other  temporal  surroundings,  and  realized  for  the 


I  IO          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDR1CKS. 

moment  their  uncertainty  and  utter  feebleness  to  satisfy  the 
cravings  of  the  mind  and  heart. 

How  different  with  us.  Under  the  benign  influences  of  our 
modern  civilization  and  Christianity  we  look  beyond  and  within 
the  frail  tenement  of  clay — we  look  at  more  than  the  feeble, 
dying  body  with  its  earthly  surroundings — and  see  within  the 
body  the  soul,  the  real  man.  This  thought  on  this  occasion 
should  lead  us  to  contemplate  the  characteristics  of  the  life  of 
Governor  HENDRICKS  in  his  relations  of  husband,  father,  friend, 
and  Christian.  Those  who  knew  him  best  bear  testimony  to 
the  fact  that  he  was  not  only  great  in  all  the  walks  of  public 
life,  but  he  was  greatest  and  grandest  under  his  own  roof-tree, 
in  his  own  home,  surrounded  by  his  own  family  and  friends. 
Here  his  purity,  his  gentleness,  kindness,  and  grandeur  shone 
forth  so  that  no  one  could  fail  to  appreciate  them. 

He  lived  and  died  a  Christian.  In  the  public  mind  there 
exists  a  deep-seated  conviction  that  two  legitimate  callings  in 
life  furnish  the  most  serious  obstacles  to  the  maintenance  of  a 
pure,  consistent  Christian  character.  These  are  the  legal  pro 
fession,  with  its  absorbing  and  exciting  duties  and  its  infinite 
variety  of  temptations,  and  political  life,  where  the  heart  is  ex 
posed  to  all  the  evil  influences  known  among  men.  Either 
furnishes  the  severest  trials  and  unerring  tests  of  the  soul's 
fidelity  to  its  highest  mission. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  boldly  and  manfully  entered  both  fields 
of  labor  and  exposure,  and  throughout  maintained  a  character 
of  the  greatest  degree  of  purity  and  Christian  excellency  at 
tainable  on  earth. 

Having  met  and  overcome  all  evil  influences,  he  died  with  a 
heart  decked  with  Christian  graces  and  ripe  for  a  glorious  im 
mortality.  What  an  example  for  admiration  and  imitation ! 
Who  would  not  lead  such  a  life  that  he  might  die  such  a  death  ? 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  GEDDES,  OF  OHIO.  \  I  I 

Measuring  time  by  years  he  lived  three-score  years  and  five, 
nearly  the  average  time  granted  to  our  race ;  but  the  length  of 
life  is  best  measured  by  its  usefulness.  He  lives  most  who 
thinks  most,  feels  the  noblest,  and  acts  the  best.  Applying  this 
standard,  my  estimate  of  the  man  will  not  permit  me  to  fix  a 
limit. 

He  was  a  stern,  immovable  friend  of  the  people.  He  guarded 
their  interests  with  untiring  vigilance.  He  mingled  with  them 
familiarly,  studying  their  wants  and  seeking  to  serve  them. 
His  elevation  to  power  and  place  never  separated  him  from  the 
people.  In  all  the  struggles  during  his  long  public  life  affect 
ing  the  people — the  weak,  defenseless,  and  dependent — his  sym 
pathies  and  pure  judgment  never  failed  to  array  him  on  their 
side.  He  was  most  emphatically  a  man  of  the  people,  carefully 
seeking  their  highest  interests  and  at  all  times  ready  manfully 
to  maintain  them.  This  secured  for  him  the  unfaltering  friend 
ship  and  undying  love  of  the  people  he  served  so  well.  It  made 
him  their  leader  in  every  contest.  Their  faith  in  him  was  un 
wavering. 

This  was  most  strikingly  displayed  on  the  day  when  the  last 
sad  tribute  to  his  mortal  remains  occurred  in  the  city  where  he 
had  lived.  It  was  the  most  impressive  outpouring  of  the  sor 
rowing  people  that  I  ever  beheld.  Men,  women,  and  children 
of  all  classes  united  in  exhibiting  the  heartfelt  sorrow  that 
everywhere  prevailed. 

Political  differences  were  for  a  time  buried  and  forgotten,  and 
all  vied  with  each  other  to  consecrate  the  day  to  the  expression 
of  the  unfeigned  sorrow  and  pure  love  that  filled  every  heart. 
A  noble  specimen  of  our  race,  faithful  to  his  friends,  his  coun 
try,  and  his  God,  had  peacefully  passed  from  labor  to  rest,  and 
no  better  eulogy  could  be  pronounced,  no  monument  or  statue 
of  marble  or  bronze  could  equal  in  value  or  so  charm  a  thought- 


I  12          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDJUCKS. 

ful  person  as  that  vast  assembly  of  all  classes  and  creeds  with 
bowed  heads  and  sorrowing  hearts,  each  feeling  and  acting  as 
if  the  dearest  earthly  object  had  been  removed. 


Address  of  Mr.  SPRINGER,  of  Illinois. 

Mr.  Speaker,  already,  in  the  Chamber  at  the  other  end  of  the 
Capitol,  have  appropriate  eulogies  been  pronounced  upon  the 
life,  character,  and  public  services  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 
Distinguished  Senators  and  statesmen  have  vied  with  each  other 
in  extolling  his  virtues  and  commending  his  public  services. 
After  all  that  has  been  said  in  the  Senate  heretofore  and  in 
this  House  to-day  it  seems  quite  unnecessary  to  add  anything 
further.  But  I  may  be  pardoned  for  detaining  the  House  for  a 
few  minutes  longer  in  order  to  contribute  my  humble  testimony 
to  his  many  noble  qualities  of  head  and  heart. 

His  early  life  was  spent  on  a  farm;  he  learned  to  labor  in  his 
youth.  His  parents  settled  in  Indiana  more  than  sixty  years 
ago.  There  were  110  railroads,  telegraphs,  or  daily  papers  then. 
The  State  was  covered  with  almost  impenetrable  forests.  The 
red  men  still  occupied  their  wigwams  east  of  the  Wabash. 
The  settlers  of  that  day  had  to  contend  with  all  of  those  ad 
verse  circumstances  which  attend  the  building  of  homes  and 
opening  up  of  farms  in  the  wilderness.  The  epoch  in  the 
world's  history  from  the  birth  to  the  death  of  THOMAS  A. 
HENDRICKS  is  the  most  important  of  which  there  is  any  record. 
The  man  who  lived  during  these  sixty-six  years  witnessed  more 
of  human  progress,  more  of  improvement  in  the  arts  and  sciences, 
more  discoveries  of  useful  inventions,  greater  developments  of 
material  resources,  more  rapid  advances  in  civilization,  in  mor 
als,  in  education,  in  religion,  than  did  the  generations  who  lived 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SPRINGER,  OF  ILLINOIS.  \  I  3 

through  any  half  dozen  centuries  of  prior  history.  During  this 
golden  era  of  the  world's  greatest  achievements  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
was  for  more  than  forty  years  a  conspicuous  figure.  He  served 
four  years  as  a  member  of  this  House,  four  years  as  a  Com 
missioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  four  years  as  governor  of 
the  State  of  Indiana,  and  six  years  as  United  States  Senator. 
He  received  a  large  majority  of  the  popular  vote  in  1876  for 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  was  elected  to  that 
office  in  1884  by  the  votes  of  the  electoral  college.  In  perform 
ing  the  duties  of  these  important  positions  he  illustrated,  both 
by  precept  and  by  practice,  the  maxim  that  ' '  a  public  office  is 
a  public  trust. ' ' 

While  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  the  lands  in 
Iowa,  Minnesota,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  and  other  Western  States 
were  being  rapidly  taken  up  as  homesteads  by  the  people. 
About  four  hundred  thousand  land  patents  were  issued  during 
his  term  of  office,  and  twenty-two  thousand  contested  land 
cases  were  decided.  He  was  equal  to  the  demand  upon  his 
time  and  strength.  In  public  stations  he  was  a  faithful,  pains 
taking  worker.  His  time,  his  strength,  and  his  great  abilities 
were  given  wholly  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  No  stain  rests 
upon  his  character;  he  was  true  to  every  trust  confided  to  him. 

But  he  was  not  free  from  personal  attacks.  In  the  midst  of 
heated  political  contests  partisan  feeling  often  runs  so  high  that 
the  very  best  and  purest  of  our  statesmen  are  subjected  to  the 
most  outrageous  abuse.  Partisan  malice  and  personal  hatred 
did  not  spare  even  so  good  a  man  as  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 
But  he  was  indifferent  to  such  assaults.  He  believed  that  truth 
would  prevail  in  the  end.  He  said  on  one  occasion : 

Because  of  a  supreme  indifference  to  false  reports  of  a  political  nature  concerning 
myself  in  times  past  my  friends  no  doubt  have  been  greatly  distressed.  But — 

S.  Mis.  120 8 


I  14          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

Said  he— 

an  honest  man  was  never  more  stupidly  engrossed  than  when  hunting  down  a  lie,  ex 
cept  such  a  one  as  offends  the  moral  and  religious  sentiment  of  a  people.  I  shall  refuse 
to  pay  attention  to  any  other. 

He  did  not  spend  his  time  in  answering  false  accusations.  His 
whole  life,  both  public  and  private,  attested  the  purity  of  his 
motives  and  gave  the  lie  to  every  personal  attack.  His  parents 
were  strict  Presbyterians.  They  believed  in  God  and  the  angels. 
Their  religion  was  of  the  practical  kind,  not  a  mere  outward 
manifestation.  At  meal-time  it  was  his  father's  habit  to  direct 
the  conversation  into  a  discussion  of  some  religious  topic.  The 
lessons  of  the  Scripture  were  thus  brought  out  and  made  appli 
cable  to  the  every-day  transactions  of  life.  In  this  way  Mr. 
HENDRICKS  was  impressed  in  his  youth  with  the  great  truths  of 
the  Bible.  He  learned  the  value  and  importance  of  leading  an 
upright  life.  The  lessons  which  he  thus  learned  were  never 
forgotten.  He  repaid  the  religious  teachings  of  his  parents 
with  filial  affection,  obedience,  and  acts  of  kindness.  He  helped 
his  mother  in  her  household  duties,  as  well  as  his  father  in  the 
severer  labors  of  the  field.  His  hands  willingly  performed  the 
lighter  household  duties  that  pertained  to  womanhood,  and  his 
youthful  feet  went  gladly  out  over  the  rough  places  in  life  to 
save  the  strength  of  his  beloved  mother  and  to  bear  the  burden 
of  her  domestic  care.  In  after  years,  in  every  time  of  need,  he 
helped  his  wife  as  he  had  helped  his  mother. 

In  his  domestic  relations  he  was  peculiarly  happy.  The  per 
fection  of  his  wife's  character  seemed  but  the  rounding  out  and 
fulfilling  of  his  own — "these  twain  were  made  one  flesh." 

It  is  to  this  perfect  union  that  much  of  the  success  of  his  life 
may  be  attributed.  He  not  only  found  in  her  a  companion,  but 
a  counselor,  a  friend — one  in  whom  he  could  confide,  with  whom 
he  could  advise,  and  in  whose  rare  intuitive  perceptions  he  could 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  SPRINGER,  OF  ILLINOIS.  I  I  5 

often  find  the  guidance  that  he  sought.  He  loved  her  to  the 
last  with  a  steady,  increasing  devotion,  the  memory  of  which 
must  bring  even  into  her  now  desolate  life  a  halo  of  peace.  In 
the  sanctity  of  his  home-life  was  the  fulfillment  of  every  desired 
virtue. 

Kind,  charitable,  humane,  ever  ready  to  listen  to  the  humble 
as  to  the  powerful,  and  always  bearing  about  with  him  the  at 
tributes  of  n  truly  great  soul,  on  one  occasion,  while  he  was 
Senator,  a  poor  friendless  woman  called  upon  him  and  told  him 
the  story  of  her  woe,  the  cause  of  her  coming  to  Washington. 
Her  husband  had  been  arrested  as  a  spy  and  had  been  ordered 
to  be  shot.  She  desired  to  see  President  Lincoln  and  make  a 
personal  appeal  to  him  to  save  her  husband's  life.  She  begged 
Mr.  HENDRICKS  to  go  with  her  and  secure  an  interview  with 
the  President.  The  Senator  yielded  to  her  importunities  and 
took  "the  little  woman,'1  as  he  afterward  called  her,  to  the  Ex 
ecutive  Mansion.  She  told  her  simple  storv  to  the  great  and 
kind-hearted  Lincoln,  assured  him  that  her  husband  was  inno 
cent  of  all  intentional  wrong,  that  his  life  was  dearer  to  her 
than  all  else  in  the  world,  and  implored  him  to  grant  pardon 
now,  as  he  himself  hoped  for  mere}'  and  pardon  in  the  last 
day.  The  President's  heart  was  moved,  and  his  eyes  were  filled 
with  tears.  The  Senator  even  could  not  suppress  his  emotions. 
Without  the  Executive  Mansion,  just  across  the  Potomac,  were 
the  contending  armies  of  the  great  rebellion.  Thunders  of 
columbiads  could  almost  be  heard  in  the  city  of  Washington. 
A  million  of  men  were  in  the  field  in  deadly  conflict.  But  the 
Commander-in-Chief  of  our  armies  and  a  distinguished  Senator, 
since  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  were  so  im 
bued  with  the  finer  instincts  of  our  nature  as  to  give  heed  even 
in  the  midst  of  war  to  the  plaintive  story  of  a  heart-stricken 
wife  pleading  for  the  life  of  her  husband.  She  did  not  plead 


I  I  6         LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

in  vain,  a  pardon  was  immediately  granted,  and  the  two  great 
.statesmen,  President  and  Senator,  and  the  little  woman  all  wept 
together  for  joy. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  whole  life  abounds  with  acts  of  kindness, 
of  charity  and  friendly  assistance.  On  one  occasion  a  friend  of 
his  had  continued  sickness  in  his  family.  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was 
overwhelmed  with  professional  and  official  duties  and  could  not 
give  his  personal  attention  to  his  friend's  stricken  family.  But 
he  wrote  a  letter,  unsolicited,  inclosing  his  check  for  $250,  stating 
that  was  his  contribution  to  aid  in  securing  good  nurses  and  med 
ical  attendance,  and  regretting  that  he  could  not  personally  con 
tribute  his  own  time  and  assistance.  He  was  not  only  kind  and 
charitable  but  courteous  and  gentlemanly.  He  attracted  per 
sonally  those  who  were  opposed  to  him  politically.  Under  all 
circumstances  he  bore  himself  with  moderation,  with  dignity  and 
simplicity.  He  was  easily  approached,  attractive  in  manners, 
and  considerate  of  the  feelings  of  others. 

As  a  popular  speaker  he  had  but  few  equals  in  this  country. 
He  held  his  audiences  in  wrapt  attention.  His  delivery  and 
voice  were  pleasing  and  attractive.  He  was  capable  of  enlist 
ing  the  most  enthusiastic  applause  or  moving  his  audience  to 
tears.  But  he  never  failed  to  deeply  impress  the  minds  of  his 
hearers.  To  his  persuasive  eloquence  and  irresistible  logic,  his 
upright  life  and  noble  example  is  attributable,  more  than  to 
other  causes,  the  fact  that  Indiana  adhered  so  steadily  to  the 
political  party  to  which  he  belonged. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  has  built  his  own  monument.  Not  the  stately 
shaft  of  granite  that  he  erected  in  the  cemetery  at  Indianapolis, 
but  one,  imperishable  as  time,  the  foundation-stones  of  which 
were  laid  in  his  youth  while  still  under  the  paternal  roof. 
From  his  mother  he  learned  those  finer  attributes  of  nature,  his 
unselfishness  and  his  regard  for  the  feelings  and  rights  of  others. 


ADDRESS  OJ<'  MR.  LOWRY,   OF  INDIANA.  \  \  J 

From  his  father  he  acquired  the  sturdier  principles  that  charac 
terize  a  noble  manhood.  On  these  for  a  foundation  he  reared 
the  superstructure  of  a  perfect  Christian  character,  that  will  live 
in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  long  after  the  commemo 
rative  shaft  of  granite  shall  have  perished. 
As— 

"Death  lays  his  icy  hands  on  kings" 

so  must  all  die,  sooner  or  later.  Our  Vice-President  was  no  ex 
ception  to  the  inexorable  law.  In  his  death  the  people  mourned 
the  loss  of  a  great  and  good  man.  Universal  sorrow  was  mani 
fested  on  every  hand.  The  highest  honors  were  paid  him.  But 
these  honors  and  the  people's  sorrow  cannot  call  him  back  to 
earth  again.  He  has  passed  from  the  busy  and  exciting  scenes 
of  this  life  to  the  sweet  repose  of  the  blessed.  But,  to  such  as 
lived  as  he  lived,  even  in  "the  hour  and  article  of  death,"  in 
the  silent  tomb,  in  the  Day  of  Judgment,  in  the  life  to  come, 
all  is  well — all  is  well. 


Address  of  Mr.  LOWRY,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  mournful  fact  is  at  last  fully  realized. 
THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  is  forever  lost  to  earth  !  The  lan 
guage  of  eulogy  has  never  been  more  fittingly  employed  than 
when  used  so  considerately  here  and  in  the  still  higher  council 
chamber  in  the  other  end  of  this  Capitol  in  extolling  the  life 
and  character  of  our  deceased  Vice-President.  The  circum 
stances  surrounding  his  father's  family  and  the  more  remarkable 
incidents  following  upon  his  crossing  the  threshold  of  life  ;  the 
story  of  his  boyhood  and  youth  ;  the  opening  promise  of  man 
hood's  early  dawn  ;  the  illustrious  achievements  of  his  maturer 
manhood  in  the  forum,  on  the  rostrum,  and  in  these  and  other 
legislative  halls,  and  the  high  qualitieswhich  adorned  his  execu- 


I  I  8          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

tive  career  have  all  been  admirably  dwelt  upon,  not  alone  by 
those  who  stood  by  his  side  and  shared  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
eventful  scenes  through  which  he  passed,  but  by  those  also  who 
were  wont  to  stand  from  him  apart  or  were  themselves  con 
spicuous  adversaries  in  the  several  arenas  where  his  highest 
honors  were  achieved  and  his  brightest  laurels  won.  In  a 
word,  the  full  symmetry  of  his  illustrious  career,  the  beauty 
and  grandeur  of  his  character,  and  the  impressive  lesson  of  his 
great  life  have  all  been  stamped  here  in  words  of  enduring  elo 
quence  on  the  legislative  annals  of  his  country.  His  exalted 
virtues,  patriotic  services,  and  great  deeds  are  engraved  upon 
the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  Memorials  to  perpetuate  the 
memory  of  his  great  excellences  are  eagerly  being  constructed 
in  tablets  of  bronze  and  monuments  of  enduring  marble.  What 
more  shall  be  said  or  done?  At  this  point  in  these  ceremonial 
exercises  for  me  to  attempt  more  here  would  be  superfluous. 
Exemplar)-  and  generous  citizen !  Patriotic  public  servant ! 
Best  poised  and  greatest  of  contemporary  Indianians  !  Typical 
American  !  Wise  and  revered  statesman  !  Honored  friend  ! 
We  can  but  lay  our  heart-warm  tribute  on  thy  tomb !  While 
doing  so,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  contemplation  of  such  a  life,  and  in 
the  presence  of  a  whole  nation's  bereavement  by  such  a  death, 
we  may  perchance  recall  the  words  of  one  who  would  fain  have 
found  out  the  great  mystery  of  human  life  : 

\\e  are  born,  we  laugh,  we  weep, 

We  love,  we  droop,  we  die; 
Ah,  wherefore  do  we  laugh  or  weep? 

Why  do  we  live  or  die? 
Who  knows  that  secret  deep? 

Alas!  not  I. 

But  those  who  most  knew  and  best  loved  THOMAS  A.  HEN- 
BRICKS  cannot  but  cherish  with  intenser  hope  the  general  aspi 
ration  of  humanity  that  there  is  beyond  the  "secret  deep"  an 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.   OWEN,  OF  INDIANA.  119 

abode  for  those  who  here  walk  in  virtue's  path  and  love  their 
fellow  men.  That  being  so,  the  great  soul  which  shone  forth 
in  the  placid  dignity  of  his  earthly  presence  is  now  beaming 
with  delight  from  happier  spheres  in  contemplation  of  the  mani 
festations  here  and  everywhere  presented  of  the  existence  of  an 
absolute  conviction  of  the  purity  and  excellence  of  his  lifetime 
purposes  and  of  the  results  which  his  teachings  aided  so  largely 
to  establish — the  unification,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  his 
country. 


Address  of  Mr.  OWEN,  of  Indiana. 

Vice-President  HENDRICKS  has  joined  the  "silent  senate  of 
the  dead." 

At  his  death  a  great  sadness  fell  on  many  hearts,  for  he  was 
a  man  of  the  people.  No  citizen  of  the  Republic  had  a  larger 
personal  following.  Thousands  who  differed  from  him  felt  that 
in  some  way  he  was  by  their  right  hand.  In  that  "habitation, 
giddy  and  unsure,  built  upon  the  public  mind,"  he  lived  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century  in  undisturbed  tenure.  Our  era  has  wit 
nessed  an  exciting  struggle  over  governmental  policy  and 
national  principle,  and  in  the  "forefront  of  its  every  battle 
could  be  seen  his  burnished  mail  ;"  not  that  he  sighed  for  the 
gage  of  battle — his  nature  was  the  reverse  ;  not  that  he  loved 
disputation — his  soul  was  for  concord ;  not  that  he  was  ambi 
tious  of  leadership — he  preferred  an  undistinguished  equality  ; 
but  when  he  took  a  stand  it  was  seen,  and  followers  rallied  to 
it.  His  position  became  the  center  of  desire. 

Measured  as  an  orator  he  was  not  among  the  greatest,  nor  as 
a  jurist,  nor  as  a  statesman.  He  was  crowned  by  no  dizzy 
promontory  of  genius  while  the  remainder  of  his  nature  was 
shrunken  in  barrens.  Creation  had  given  his  parts  with  even 


I2O          LIFE  AXD  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS, 

generosity.  He  was  of  a  well-ordered  growth,  equally  advanced 
in  all  bearings,  so  symmetrical  in  his  developments  that  we  did 
not  catch  his  measurements  until  he  had  gone  and  we  beheld 
the  vacancy.  Taken  as  orator,  jurist,  leader,  husband,  man, 
all  and  in  all,  his  equal  is  rare. 

What  made  him  a  leader  I  do  not  know.  Wherein  was  his 
strength  I  cannot  answer.  You  can  understand  the  shaft  yon 
der,  but  who  knows  a  mountain  ?  Our  estimate  of  greatness  is 
on  a  temporary  quality.  It  is  something  we  can  fathom.  We 
want  dash;  we  must  have  it  lurid.  This  is  our  ideal.  Time 
cools  enthusiasm,  admiration  wanes,  and  our  favorite  hobbles 
into  oblivion,  while  we  award  the  crown  otherwhere.  Washing 
ton,  Jefferson,  Lincoln,  Grant,  Cromwell,  Hampden  grew  to  be 
towers  among  men;  but  they  are  not  our  described  heroes.  In 
their  day  men  were  persistently  showing  where  they  were  fail 
ures  and  their  evident  lack  of  ability.  It  was  only  when  they 
achieved  indestructible  results  that  a  niche  was  hewn  for  them 
in  the  world's  Westminster.  Take  any  one  of  their  parts  and 
it  seems  nowhere  large  or  strong.  It  appears  weak.  It  is  weak 
within  itself.  But  the  strength  is  the  way  in  which  the  tim 
bers  are  built  into  the  tower.  Mr.  HENDRICKS' s  construction 
was  wrought  in  a  manner  which  eludes  description,  but  it  singu 
larly  fitted  him  for  leadership  in  his  party. 

He  met  distinguished  achievements  on  the  forum.  His  speech 
ran  flexible  as  the  brook.  His  uttered  thoughts  took  the  form 
of  such  chaste  simplicity  you  did  not  realize  their  vigor.  He 
was  ornate  only  on  requirement.  His  figures  of  speech  were 
emphasis,  and  his  illustrations  arguments.  His  epithet  fell 
like  the  Persian  headsman's  sword.  His  wit  flashed  like  Ran 
dolph'  s,  but  without  venom.  His  logic  was  instinct  with  power, 
and  moved  in  ever-augmenting  procession.  Aroused,  his  form 
straightened,  grew  stationary,  the  cheek  pallid,  and  the  stately 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.   OWEN,  OF  INDIANA.  I2T 

march  of  his  eloquence  moved  with  the  majesty  of  overwhelm 
ing  storm.  When  it  had  passed  he  looked  and  acted  as  though 
he  half  regretted  the  outburst.  His  voice  was  a  marvelous  in 
strument — a  silver  lute;  its  tone  caught  the  ear  of  reason,  and 
through  it  there  lurked  a  power  that  fondled  the  chords  of  the 
chart.  He  had  a  magnificent  panoply  for  public  address. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  became  a  leader  in  the  stormy  days  of  section 
alism  and  revolution.  In  the  conflicts  of  that  vengeful  period 
he  was  on  the  side  of  the  weaker  party.  He  was  a  famous  tac 
tician;  his  resources  made  wondrous  display  in  creating  points 
for  attack  and  in  sheltering  the  broken  columns  of  retreat. 
Always  routed,  but  never  dismayed;  baffled,  but  not  discour 
aged;  overthrown,  but  not  crushed;  surpassed  in  strength,  but 
unsurpassed  in  zeal,  his  dream  was  the  return  of  the  Democracy 
to  power.  His  sword  was  never  sheathed  and  knew  no  rust. 
Toward  this  goal  he  traveled  with  the  enthusiasm  of  a  worshiper 
to  Mecca, 

With  an  eye  that  never  sleeps, 
And  a  wing  that  never  tires ; 

and  when  the  restoration  was  accomplished  his  own  aggrandize 
ment  was,  I  think,  the  least  of  his  gladness. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  the  embodiment  of  the  doctrines  and 
principles  of  his  party.  The  central  theater  of  his  operations 
was  his  own  State,  a  State  famous  for  the  bitterness  of  its  polit 
ical  animosities,  naturally  caused  by  its  uncertain  relations  to 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  and  legislation  following.  As  the 
foremost  man  of  his  party,  he  invited  and  received  the  fiercest 
denunciations.  A  mere  youth,  by  blood  and  choice  I  was  op 
posed  to  him.  With  all  the  fierceness  of  a  boy's  patriotic  ardor 
I  opposed  his  course,  and  ripening  years  have  only  added  gravity 
to  my  convictions.  That  he  was  sincere  in  his  convictions  no 
one  will  ever  question;  that  the  general  tenor  of  his  convictions 


122          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

upon  the  relations  between  the  North  and  South  was  erroneous, 
I  think  history  will  fully  establish. 

I  first  saw  him  at  one  of  his  political  meetings  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1866.  After  a  time  I  got  a  little  closer  to  the  stand. 
I  liked  to  hear  him  talk;  his  familiar  style,  his  quiet  earnest 
ness,  his  touches  of  persuasion,  his  benevolent  face,  all  won  me, 
and  henceforth  I  became  an  admirer  of  the  man. 

The  two  great  rival  leaders  are  now  in  the  sacred  fraternity 
of  the  tomb.  Their  outreaching  plans  soon  left  the  confines  of 
their  State  and  organized  a  national  following.  Two  more  di 
verse  spirits  never  battled  in  government  before:  Morton  and 
HENDRICKS — Sir  Richard  and  Sir  Launcelot,  the  lion-hearted 
and  the  fair  knight.  The  one  spoke  to  men  with  the  majesty 
of  an  autocrat;  the  other  talked  with  men  as  a  man  with  his 
fellow.  The  one  always  commanded;  the  other  always  pleaded. 
The  one  brooked  no  dissent  in  his  following;  the  other  let  his 
train  camp  wide  apart.  The  one,  like  Caesar,  would  burn  eight 
hundred  cities,  bathe  his  sword  in  a  million  lives,  and  wade 
through  blood  to  preserve  the  cause  he  championed;  the  other, 
Coriolanus-like,  seeing  the  carnage,  the  desolation,  the  anguish, 
would  sheathe  his  sword  and  turn  away.  The  one  could  seize 
the  helm  when  the  nation  was  strained  in  every  fiber;  the  other 
might  take  direction  when  peace  hath  her  victories.  They  lie 
within  speaking  distance.  The  vast  energies  of  the  one  are 
hushed;  the  broad  powers  of  the  other  are  pulseless.  They 
have  grounded  arms,  and  rest  well  in  immortal  renown. 

As  it  fell  upon  him,  the  withering  breath  of  time  and  care  was 
transformed  in  power,  ripening  his  judgment  and  touching  his 
words  with  deeper  wisdom.  When  he  unshouldered  the  weight 
of  his  great  ambitions  and  lay  down  to  rest  thousands  wept,  for 
they  loved  him;  multitudes  lost  hope,  for  they  had  a  friend  in 
him.  As  a  leader,  in  anticipation  of  great  political  results,  he 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.   OWEN,   OF  INDIANA.  123 

had  made  promises.  They  were  based  on  his  views  and  convic 
tions.  He  strove  to  fulfill  them,  and  I  respected  him  for  it. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  discussing  the  slavery  question,  said  : 

I  believe  a  man  has  a  right  to  eat  the  bread  earned  by  his  own  hand. 

His  home  life  was  well  known.  A  union  had  been  formed 
there  which  after  nearly  half  a  century  must,  I  think,  have  cost 
the  sword  of  death  an  effort  to  sever.  She  was  wife,  he  hus 
band;  but  they  never  ceased  to  be  lovers,  confidants,  friends. 
She  was  the  watch-guard ;  he  the  mainstay.  He  was  talked  to 
about  the  house;  she  was  consulted  about  the  State.  The  lines 
of  bliss  and  furrows  of  care  across  both  brows  you  could  see  had 
been  plowed  by  the  same  hand.  The  sun  never  shone  on  less 
than  two.  The  four  walls  of  that  home  were  a  section  of  Para 
dise  reset  up  on  earth.  Within  was  a  shrine  where  sacrifice  of 
self  was  joy,  obligations  were  opportunities,  and  duties  were 
benedictions.  That  an  angel's  wing  should  bring  a  shadow  to 
such  a  home  fills  the  beyond  with  a  sigh  and  helpless  agony 
here.  This  side  the.  Passion  of  Him  who  was  Divine  there  is 
nothing  in  earth  or  heaven  so  sacred  as  the  bond  of  the  hearth 
stone. 

With  increasing  years  he  drew  affectionately  nearer  her  side. 
On  their  last  visit  to  Chicago,  whence  he  went  home  ill,  their 
inseparability  was  commented  upon.  The  way  was  growing 
doubtful.  The  lines  on  his  kindly  face  assumed  a  darker  hue, 
their  voiceless  eloquence  pleading  against  separation.  Not  that 
he  feared  death — he  had  no  thought  of  death;  it  was  nature's 
premonition  of  the  advancing  fate  which  he  obeyed  but  did  not 
understand. 

After  reaching  home  she  cared  for  him,  as  was  the  wont  of 
each  when  the  other  was  ill.  Her  ministrations  were  given 
through  the  day,  and  toward  evening,  as  he  seemed  "free  at 


I  24          I. IFF.  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

last,"  she  went  down  stairs  to  talk  with  a  friend  about  the 
charity  society.  He  lay  down  on  the  bed ;  he  was  weary,  and 
fell  asleep. 


Address  of  Mr.  HALL,  of  Iowa. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  trust  it  may  not  be  regarded  as  presumptuous 
in  one  so  strange  and  unfamiliar  in  these  surroundings  to  add 
a  word  of  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  distinguished  man  whose 
death  thus  brings  us  to  this  pause  and  serious  contemplation. 
As  I  listen  in  wrapt  attention  and  with  melancholy  consola 
tion  to  the  eulogies  which  have  been  pronounced,  wherein 
have  been  portrayed  the  character  and  public  services  of  the 
dead  Vice-President,  I  have  felt  it  were  vain  for  me  to  attempt 
to  add  to  what  has  been  said  with  such  splendor  of  diction  and 
solemnity  of  thought.  I  am  not  a  kinsman;  why  should  I  essay- 
to  express  that  unspeakable  sense  of  personal  bereavement  ?  I 
am  not  an  Indianian,  and  cannot  depict  that  deep  and  sudden 
shock  that  tremored  through  the  universal  heart  of  that  great 
State  and  stopped  the  course  of  all  its  thought  when  late  one 
autumn  evening  the  electric  subtlety  whispered  in  every  home 
and  hamlet,  "HENDRICKS  is  dead;"  and  the  startled  bells  in 
every  tower  and  belfry  sent  their  lamentations  out  upon  the 
midnight  air.  While  I  may  say  I  knew  him,  that  acquaintance 
was  from  afar;  and  I  have  no  power  to  set  before  you  his  brill 
iant  social  qualities,  the  generality  of  his  powers,  his  cherished 
and  unfading  friendships,  his  genial,  manly  nature,  his  tender,  al 
most  feminine,  refinement  of  sentiment,  as  those  can  and  do  who, 
from  long  and  close  intimacy,  have  been  lured  and  bound  within 
the  close  meshes  of  such  noble  influences  and  relations. 

But,  sir,  no  great  misfortune  can  befall  the  people  of  Indiana 
that  will  not  send  a  pang  deep  felt  in  Iowa.  Remote,  with 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,  OF  IOWA.  125 

another  great  State  lying  between,  yet  my  people  find  relation 
ship  and  sympathy  with  many  a  thread  and  clew  running 
myriad-form  into  all  her  sister  States.  The  restless  spirits  of 
the  pioneer  and  constant  intermigration,  like  weavers'  shuttles, 
have  so  wrought  the  warp  and  woof  of  our  human  fabric  that 
the  golden  threads  of  Indiana,  as  of  all  the  States,  reach  con 
tinuous  everywhere  in  Iowa  and  help  enrich  and  adorn  our  life 
and  civilization  there.  Go  where  you  will,  there  is  no  spot 
where  you  will  fail  to  find  the  translated  lives  and  undying 
memories  of  Indiana  and  of  Indianians.  To  all  these  "HRN- 
DRICKS,  of  Indiana,"  was  the  great  oak,  taking  deep  root  in  the 
soil  of  their  native  State,  but  whose  lofty  and  ever  upward 
branches  cast  their  lengthening  shadows  into  Iowa.  Some 
times,  in  the  bitter  political  contests  which,  thank  God,  are 
now  believed  to  have  passed — rolled  together  like  scrolls  never 
to  be  opened  again — when  a  small  but  faithful  band  of  his  po 
litical  faith  felt  they  needed  help,  he  would  come  into  what  he 
termed  "The  Great  Prairie  State,  where  republicanism  came 
first  and  lingers  latest,"  and  address  our  people.  And  then  we 
drew  around  him,  attracted  by  our  love  and  admiration  for  the 
man  and  our  sympathy  in  a  common  cause. 

Those  who  loved  the  cognomen  of  "Hoosier"  wrould  come, 
proud  to  hear  and  have  others  hear  the  good  that  could  come  out 
of  the  good  old  "Hoosier  State."  Others,  men  of  all  affilia 
tions,  came,  for  we  knew  great  questions  were  to  be  discussed  by 
one  "who  shed  light  upon  all  things  touched  by  him,"  and 
who,  on  all  occasions,  when  most  strong  was  also  gentle  and  con 
siderate  equally  of  those  opposed  as  those  united  to  him.  No 
one  understood  better  than  he  that  the  door  to  the  mind's  recep 
tion  of  argument  and  reason  must  not  be  rudely  assaulted  and 
burst  asunder  by  taunt  and  epithet.  And  when  the  day  was 
done  and  the  great  gatherings  had  dissolved,  each  to  his  sepa- 


I  26          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

rate  home,  the  thought,  the  idea,  the  higher,  purer  nature  of 
manly  persuasion  were  scattered  like  seeds  of  a  new  species, 
which  were  to  grow  and  blossom,  and  to-day  do  grow  and  blos 
som  in  thousands  of  thoughtful,  sorrowing  homes  and  hearts  as 
silent  testimonials  of  his  force  and  goodness  and  the  principles 
with  which  he  was  identified.  It  was  thus  we  saw  and  knew  him, 
and  the  invisible  statue  thus  erected  in  our  hearts  will  stand  till 
the  hearts  that  knew  him  thus  shall  fail. 

Not  only  this,  sir;  he  belonged  of  right  to  all  of  us.  Indiana 
may  claim  to  have  been  his  home  and  to  have  nurtured  and 
cherished  him.  She  may  justly  point  with  satisfaction  to  the 
evidences  of  his  filial  gratitude  and  faithful  handiwork  to  be 
traced  in  all  her  framework  of  constitution,  law,  usages,  and 
institutions ;  yet  she  must  resign  all  special  claim  to  his  large 
individuality  and  the  legacy  of  bright  example  of  manhood  and 
American  character  which  he  has  left  to  us.  These  belong  to  all 
of  us,  and  cannot  be  confined  to  the  narrow  limits  of  his  tomb 
or  his  State.  He  studied  the  national  structure  and  life  and 
drew  deep  inspiration  from  other  States  and  all  surroundings. 
His  stature,  whether  we  regard  him  as  the  simple  unpreten 
tious,  approachable,  citizen,  the  profound  and  erudite  jurist,  or 
the  broad  and  comprehensive  statesman,  had  long  since  crossed 
the  imaginary  lines  of  State  divisions.  He  had  taken  the  upward 
steps  of  Congressman,  governor,  Senator,  and  Vice-President; 
steps  which,  if  slow  and  with  many  pauses,  were  always  upward. 

If  in  taking  that  last  great  step  in  1876  he  seemed  to  stumble 
or  fail,  it  may  be  doubted  if  unworthy  hands  had  not  tied  treach 
erous  grass  across  his  path;  but  the  rectification  in  1884  of  that 
mistake  or  wrong  restored  him  in  his  course  and  established 
that  there  should  be  no  regression  in  his  career.  In  the  last 
great  political  convention  which  met  to  determine  who  should 
be  the  choice  of  a  great  and  anxious  party  for  President  he  stood 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,  OF  IOWA.  \2J 

as  one  in  a  central  group  of  figures  to  be  counted  upon  the 
fingers  of  a  single  hand.  Unostentatious  and  unassuming,  he 
was  marked  by  all.  The  mention  of  his  name  thrilled  thou 
sands  of  hearts  into  vociferous  exultation,  and  when  he  did  but 
appear  the  sea  of  human  faces  shone  in  a  desire  to  honor  him, 
and  the  vast  audiences  seemed  to  upheave  as  if  from  volcanic 
emotion.  And  as  it  was  there  in  that  momentary  focus  of  pop 
ular  effort,  so  it  was  also  far  out  in  the  calmer  and  more  quiet 
plains  of  thought  of  the  general  public.  He  was  in  the  very 
prime  of  manhood;  not  robust,  but  with  faculties  still  expand 
ing  to  fill  the  measure  of  his  life. 

If,  as  has  been  said  by  his  greatest  eulogist,  ' '  the  very  genius 
of  close  contests  and  narrow  margins  in  the  ballot  presided  over 
his  political  fortunes,"  yet  under  the  influences  of  that  very 
genius  he  might  worthily  aspire  to  still  greater  honor.  Close 
contests  test  the  virtue  of  men  as  well  as  strength  of  parties, 
and  by  this  test  he  still  might  face  the  east  and  look  upon  this 
dome.  Turn  back  the  dial  of  time  ;  restore  to  its  quiver  that 
Lethe-tipped  arrow ;  let  him,  with  that  serene  composure  and 
quiet  dignity  so  conspicuous  in  that  scene  of  pomp  and  circum 
stance  where  even  the  people  of  a  free  Republic  are  prone  to 
put  on  the  trappings  of  regal  power  and  grandeur,  as  we  beheld 
the  unjarring  transition  of  our  Government  from  the  hands  of 
one  Executive  into  those  of  another — let  him  come  back  again 
into  his  appointed  seat ;  restore  to  him  the  life  and  opportunity 
so  suddenly  extinguished  and  put  out,  from  which  a  just  ex 
pectation  and  the  still  fresli  suffrages  of  his  countrymen  so 
justly  entitled  him  to  anticipate  the  continuance  of  their  great 
favor  and  distinction,  then  cast  the  horoscope,  and  ask  the  fleet 
ing  hours  if  it  be  ordered  that  the  destiny  of  this  remarkable 
man  must  find  its  final  consummation  in  the  Vice-Presidential 
chair. 


I  28          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

He  was  of  humble  origin,  and  in  his  early  life  pursued  those 
simple  paths  that  are  open  and  common  to  all  American  youth 
who  choose  to  follow  them.  His  life  tells  this  great  truth  : 
Great  success  and  grandeur  of  character  are  not  due  to  out 
bursts  of  individual  power  or  the  meteoric  brilliancy  of  genius, 
but  are  the  results  of  diligent  and  faithful  effort  long  continued, 
pursued  with  the  fixed  and  honorable  purpose  of  doing  all 
things  well  and  faithfully  and  neglecting  none.  As  a  lawyer 
his  great  success  and  commanding  position  came  to  him  only 
after  he  had  prepared  the  way,  but  he  reached  the  height.  His 
services  were  sought  for  far  and  wide,  and  there  was  little  of 
the  more  important  litigation,  whether  of  titles,  the  bonded  in 
debtedness  of  counties  and  municipalities,  the  obligations  of 
great  corporations  and  the  control  of  courts  and  States  over 
them  in  the  surrounding  States,  or  that  involved  grave  consti 
tutional  consideration,  in  which  he  was  not  retained.  At  the 
bar  he  was  known  as  the  courteous  and  courtly  lawyer,  who 
won  his  way  to  verdict  and  judgment  upon  the  force  of  fact  and 
law,  leaving  with  his  antagonist  only  the  sense  of  having  lost, 
but  no  feeling  of  bitterness  or  reproach.  What  would  have 
been  the  development  of  his  character  had  his  course  led  him 
upon  the  bench  it  is  difficult  to  declare  ;  but  it  has  always 
seemed  that  there  was  a  field  in  which  he  would  have  become 
pre-eminent. 

Though  a  brave  and  fearless  man,  he  shunned  and  shrank 
from  the  turmoil  and  bitterness  of  fierce  political  contention. 
When  he  entered  those  lists  it  was  always  at  the  behest  and 
under  the  requirement  of  his  people  rather  than  from  inclina 
tion.  He  preferred  the  retired  and  quiet  halls  of  justice,  re 
mote  from  the  great  throbbing  activities,  where,  nnvexed  by 
passion  and  undisturbed  by  interest,  the  mind  performs  its 
highest  duties  and  exhibits  its  noblest  faculties.  Here,  without 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,  OF  IOWA.  \  29 

the  stimulus  of  popular  favor,  unrewarded  by  results  and  in 
different  to  consequences,  under  the  searching  analysis  of  truth 
and  in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  methods  of  just,  wise, 
and  prescribed  laws,  the  rights  of  men  and  States  are  adjusted 
and  adjudicated.  In  my  conception,  here  was  the  home  of  Mr. 
HKNDRICKS.  No  one  will  deny  him  that  poise  and  complete 
ness  of  faculty,  the  evenness  of  mental  structure  and  the  self- 
control  that  never  lost  its  supremacy,  which  are  the  require 
ments  for  judicial  function.  He  possessed  that  loft}-  sense  of 
fellowship  and  equal  right,  that  profound  appreciation  of  jus 
tice,  a  strength  of  comprehension  and  understanding  combined 
with  a  knowledge  and  a  love  of  the  law  as  a  study  and  a  science, 
that,  had  they  been  developed  by  opportunity  and  occasion, 
would  have  placed  him  beside  the  greatest  judicial  characters 
in  our  own  or  English  history. 

As  governor,  Senator,  or  statesman  I  need  not  stop  to  dwell 
upon  his  well-known  character,  for  this  history  has  been  told 
by  those  more  familiar  with  it.  It  must  be  conceded  him,  even 
by  those  disposed  to  take  a  more  limited  view  of  his  public 
career,  that  it  was  his  misfortune,  in  a  sense,  to  have  lived  upon 
the  adverse  side  of  politics  during  a  long  and  most  unhappy 
period  in  our  history.  Questions  arose,  new  and  unexpected, 
which  had  been  anticipated  neither  by  the  founders  of  the  Con 
stitution  nor  those  who  immediately  succeeded  them.  Search 
the  opinions  and  the  conduct  of  his  contemporaries  opposed  to 
him  in  political  life,  and  there  will  be  found  unavoidable  and 
necessary  hesitation,  vacillation,  and  uncertainty.  In  those 
days  events  led  and  men  followed.  Questions  were  settled  by 
the  logic  of  circumstances  before  statesmen  could  give  them 
consideration.  However  much  he  might  differ  about  methods, 
he  adhered  to  the  traditions  of  the  fathers  in  profound  venera 
tion  and  devotion  to  the  Constitution  as  the  living  conscience 
S.  Mis.  1UO 1) 


130         LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

of  the  nation,  and  in  all  his  instincts,  acts,  hopes,  and  aspira 
tions  he  was  for  the  Union  unbroken  and  indissoluble.  Tender 
as  a  child,  grieved  and  anxious  at  the  rage  and  violence  of  an 
internecine  and  bloody  struggle,  while  he  was  ready  to  catch  at 
any  hopeful  project  that  might  terminate  the  strife,  he  never 
doubted  or  despaired  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  To  him 
the  integrity  of  the  Union  was  as  fixed  and  unassailable  as  the 
firmament  of  God,  and  it  needed  only  to  assuage  the  passions 
and  restore  the  judgment  of  the  warring  people  to  have  the 
golden  circle  of  the  Union  shine  out  resplendent  and  entire. 
He  lived  to  look  into  the  promised  land  and  catch  a  glimse  of 
the  restoration  ;  and  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  know  that  the  glory 
of  that  vision  filled  his  last  days  with  a  serene  peace,  and  what 
ever  of  untoward  events  the  future  may  have  in  store  they  will 
not  disturb  his  final  rest. 

In  all  the  varied  positions  to  which  he  was  assigned  he  per 
formed  well  his  part  in  each;  his  administration  was  not  only 
marked  and  notable  in  the  full  and  perfect  discharge  of  duty, 
but  his  record  is  without  spot  or  flaw — no  doubt  of  his  purity, 
no  suspicion  of  his  high  and  scrupulous  integrity  ever  lingered 
for  a  moment. 

But,  sir,  how  he  was  loved  by  the  people  of  his  great  and 
noble  State!  In  a  long  and  eventful  life  he  had  been  brought 
into  contact  with  all  of  them.  Again  and  again  had  he  come 
into  the  midst  of  every  locality  and  community  and  talked 
to  them  at  the  hustings.  He  was  "Ton  HENDRICKS"  and 
they  were  "the  boys" — not  in  any  wild  or  unworthy  sense, 
but  as  friends  and  equals.  He  was  of  them  and  for  them;  list 
ened  to  them;  helped  them  when  he  could;  was  just,  courteous, 
and  true,  until  it  came  to  be  that  when  she  needed  aid  Indiana 
loved  to  lean  upon  his  sure,  great  arm ;  and  when  ' '  TOM  HEN 
DRICKS"  called  on  Indiana  in  an  hour  of  need  she  rose  "like 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,  OF  IOWA.  131 

waves  of  ocean  hungering  for  pasture. ' '  I  need  not  recount  the 
many  political  contests  which  have  agitated  that  great  State  to 
illustrate  the  marvelous  hold  he  had  on  the  faith  and  affections 
of  her  people.  In  the  last  great  quadrennial  struggle  we  of 
Iowa  watched  the  contest  with  an  anxiety  never  to  be  forgotten. 
Clinging  to  the  same  political  faith  after  a  quarter  of  a  century 
of  obloquy  and  defeat,  struggling  like  men  who  hope  when  there 
is  no  hope,  we  knew  our  battle  must  be  fought  and  won  in  other 
States  and  by  other  hands  than  ours.  We  felt  sure  of  New 
York;  we  needed  Connecticut,  but  did  not  dwell  upon  her  vote. 
How  was  Indiana  going,  and  where  was  HENDRICKS?  With 
an  anxiety  which  mere  political  contests  ought  not  to  force 
upon  a  people,  we  beheld  concentrated  and  converging  upon 
her  every  appliance  and  every  influence  from  without.  We 
witnessed  the  invasion  of  her  domain  by  the  Plumed  Knight 
and  his  retainers,  and  the  State  practically  taken  possession  of, 
as  Ohio  had  been  the  month  before.  But  when  that  potent  but 
unnatural  event  had  passed,  we  learned  that  it  had  only  stimu 
lated  into  renewed  and  more  tremendous  exertion  the  spirit  of 
our  party.  We  knew  that  Hendricks  had  again  come  forth 
from  self-retirement  and  had  taken  the  old  beaten  path  that  lay 
so  near  the  homes  and  hearts  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  in  the 
old  familiar,  persuasive  voice  was  summoning  them  for  help 
once  more.  ' '  I  have  pledged  them  the  State.  My  name  and 
faith  are  involved.  It  is  I  that  calls!" 

We  in  Iowa  heard  the  loud  shout  responsive  to  the  call.  At 
night,  by  means  of  telegraph  and  press,  we  saw  the  distant 
auroral  light  gleam  upward  from  city,  town,  and  hamlet,  all 
ablaze  with  torch  and  zeal.  We  knew  the  spirit  of  HENDRICKS 
was  abroad  in  Indiana,  and  that  as  sure  as  the  sun  should  rise  on 
that  eventful  November  day  Indiana  would  be  ours  if  human 
power  could  make  it  so.  And  when  at  last  the  result  was 


132          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND RICKS. 

known,  who  was  there  who  did  not  comprehend  that  while  Mr. 
HKNDRICKS  was  second  on  the  ticket,  yet  it  was  his  to  con 
sider  which  were  the  higher  honor  and  greater  glory,  to  be  or  to 
make  the  President.  Sir,  I  allude  to  this  scene  and  this  re 
sult  not  to  recall  anything  of  political  consideration,  but  to  illus 
trate  his  strength  in  the  love  and  affections  of  the  people.  For 
when  it  is  known  that  in  this  last  fierce  Presidential  election, 
out  of  their  total  voting  population,  51  per  cent,  of  California 
remained  at  home  and  did  not  vote,  45  per  cent,  in  Massachu 
setts,  22  per  cent,  of  Illinois,  21  per  cent,  of  New  York  and 
Iowa,  and  so  on,  in  Indiana  all  but  7  per  cent,  deposited  their 
ballots,  the  most  full  and  complete  vote  every  cast  by  any  people 
at  any  election — I  say  when  this  is  known  it  can  be  understood 
where  was  the  pivotal  point  in  the  great  contest  and  what  influ 
ences  controlled  the  result. 

Mr.  Speaker,  when  we  consider  how  empty  and  tasteless  are 
the  rewards  of  honor  and  the  successes  of  ambition,  how  vain 
are  the  consolations  of  wealth  and  power,  how  full  the  world  is 
of  wreck  and  failure ;  when  we  look  down  upon  the  plains  of 
human  life  and  witness  the  restless,  wearied  struggle  for  exist 
ence,  its  discontent  and  misery,  we  are  led  to  ask,  where  is  there 
refuge,  what  is  happiness,  and  where  may  it  be  found?  It  is 
not  in  the  camp  or  court  or  busy  marts,  where  want  and  penury 
cry  aloud.  No,  sir;  it  is  only  in  the  home — in  that  domestic 
bliss,  the  only  happiness  that  survived  the  fall.  It  arises  from 
that  pure  and  lofty  consecration  of  two  lives — one  man  and  one 
woman — to  each  other.  This  is  not  a  mere  privilege,  but  a 
necessity  to  our  humanity.  Without  it  life  looses  its  zest,  toil 
its  reward,  and  hope  its  realization.  No  one  who,  by  precept 
or  example,  imperils  the  high  standard  of  this  awful  necessity 
can  be  regarded  as  friend  to  his  fellows  or  lover  of  his  race. 
In  this  direction,  with  what  safety  and  satisfaction  can  we  turn 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,   OF  IOWA.  133 

to  Mr.  HENDRICKS  i  The  immaculate  purity  of  his  private  life 
is  the  property  and  glory  of  the  nation.  We  may  not  lift  the  vail 
even  in  this  hour  of  desolation  and  invade  the  sanctity  of  that 
blissful  union  between  him  and  her  who  yet  lingers  here.  We 
know  the  golden  cord  is  broken,  but  the  casket  yet  retains  its 
treasure.  Frail  pitcher  of  beauty  upon  the  head  of  purity, 
borne  safely  by  faithful  feet  to  the  journey's  end  through  rough 
and  tempting  paths!  Where  can  the  image  find  pediment  or 
lodgment  for  contemplation  and  the  perfection  of  our  lives 
save  in  the  people's  home  and  beside  their  hearths  ?  And  there 
the  life  and  purity  of  this  Indiana  man  has  helped  to  elevate  it. 

But  we  hear  it  said,  "  He  was  a  partisan."  The  consider 
ation  of  this  criticism  requires  it  not  to  be  forgotten  that  it 
comes  at  a  time  when  new  and  modified  views  upon  the  subject 
of  partisanship  are  seeking  supremacy  in  public  thought.  Does 
it  not  have  the  vice  of  overlooking  the  fact  that  men  who  had 
reached  the  age  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  cannot  readily  divest  them 
selves  of  the  habits  and  modes  of  thoiight  cultivated  and  ac 
quired  in  a  long  and  active  life? 

Another  important  consideration  must  not  be  overlooked,  the 
most  eventful  portion  of  his  life  passed  in  a  period  of  intense 
partisanship.  War  engenders  fierce  passions  and  swift  action 
even  in  regions  remote  from  the  scenes  of  strife  and  ensanguined 
fields.  In  those  days  the  political  contests  of  Indiana  were  no 
child's  play.  Political  supremacy  in  that  State  was  relentless 
and  absolute.  Right  or  wrong,  for  a  time  Indiana  was  a  State 
of  "suspects"  and  political  arrests.  Once  the  great  co-ordi 
nate  branch  of  Government  interfered,  reaching  its  hand  between 
the  edge  of  sword  and  bayonet  to  save  those  whom  unjust  judg 
ment  had  condemned  to  death.  The  bitterness  of  those  days 
lingered  longer  than  it  should,  perhaps  not  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS, 
but  with  the  older  men  who  had  felt  it  most.  They  had  waited 


134          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEND RICKS. 

through  long  years  and  sighed  for  the  restoration  of  Democratic 
power  in  the  National  Government.  He  had  preached  to  them 
the  necessity  for  change,  the  opening  of  the  books,  and  the 
turning  out  of  those  who  from  long  continuous  lease  of  power 
seemed  to  them  to  have  acquired  the  features  of  insolence  and 
oppression.  When  at  last,  after  weary  waiting,  they  beheld  the 
great  event  at  hand,  they  demanded  the  fulfillment.  Indiffer 
ent  himself,  free  from  malice  and  void  of  covetousness,  he  yet 
could  not  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  those  requirements  of  his  followers 
which  he  himself  had  originated.  They  could  not  appreciate 
a  change — a  great  overthrow  of  a  political  adversary  which  still 
left  it  in  power  and  position,  and  he  could  not  resist  the  seem 
ing  justice  of  his  people's  complaints.  If  he  was  a  partisan,  it 
was  on  behalf  of  those  who  had  inherited  something  of  such 
partisanship  and  who  had  followed  wherever  he  led,  and  hon 
ored  him  with  a  constancy  and  faithfulness  that  now  entitled 
them  to  demand  what  neither  worth  nor  honor  could  refuse. 
When  we  recall  what  hand  he  had  in  making  possible  the  new 
conditions  from  which  this  criticism  proceeds  it  may  be  safely 
concluded  that  the  judgment  of  posterity  will  be  mild  and 
lenient. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  why  these  ceremonies  and  eulogies? 
Though  they  might  gratify,  they  reach  him  not.  He  needs 
them  not.  Are  they  not  really  for  ourselves?  Is  it  ordained 
for  all  to  die,  and  is  there  a  great  undertone,  never  ceasing, 
which  like  solemn  bell,  when  we  listen,  reminds  us  of  mor 
tality?  Alas  !  the  deep  stream  of  human  life  pours  on  so  con 
stant  and  imperceptible  !  As  generation  after  generation  dis 
appears,  the  sullen  roar  of  that  broad  tide  where  it  pours  itself 
down  the  distant  and  precipitous  cataract  into  the  dark  valley 
of  the  shadow  of  death  is  so  remote,  inaudible,  and  low,  we 
live  as  if  we  were  immortal  and  would  never  die.  Only  when 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HALL,  OF  IOWA.  135 

the  dreadful  dart  comes  home,  strikes  with  sudden  clangor  in 
the  circle  of  our  household,  or  smites  down  some  lofty  char 
acter  intrenched  in  popular  affection,  are  we  startled  out  of  our 
deaf,  absorbed  preoccupation  into  the  consciousness  of  our  mor 
tality  ;  and  then — then  trembling  and  crouching,  we  wait  ex 
pectant  till  the  mourning  days  are  past  and  it  strikes  still 
nearer ;  then  fear  and  fright  again.  Fear  and  fright  are  the 
instruments  of  safety.  They  forewarn  and  add  speed  to  flight. 
But  there  is  no  safety,  no  flight  from  the  universal  presence. 
Only  one  refuge,  one  help — prepare,  prepare  !  It  requires  long 
years  of  studious  application  and  wide  experience  to  prepare  the 
garment  to  appear  in  before  that  august  tribunal  whose  seat  is 
near  these  precincts.  The  highest  social  life  adorns  itself  with 
nicest  care,  puts  on  its  whitest,  costliest  raiment  when  it  comes 
before  presidents  and  ministers  of  state  ;  but  there  is  a  tribunal, 
a  court,  where  none  may  enter  unbidden  and  without  prepara 
tion,  not  the  preparation  of  an  hour  or  week,  snatched  in  weak 
ness  and  tremblings  from  long  years  of  health  and  boastful 
strength,  but  that  which  comes  from  long  communion  with  the 
divine  attributes,  a  noble  and  willing  submission  to  His  visita 
tions  and  His  judgments,  the  observance  of  His  statutes,  and  a 
faith  that  places  all  things  in  the  hollow  of  His  great  hand. 
Sir,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  such  was  the  perfect 
and  acceptable  preparation  of  him  whom  we  deplore  ;  such  was 
die  garment  of  his  life.  His  quiet  Christian  graces,  rounding 
out  and  completing  the  perfection  of  his  character,  present  a 
model  of  matchless  manhood  beyond  the  reach  of  pencil  or 
chisel.  The  world  is  better  and  purer  that  he  lived.  Here  he 
stops,  but  his  work  and  example  survive.  These  ceremonies 
conclude  the  chapter  of  his  life.  His  memory  will  linger  fresh 
and  green  in  the  hearts  of  the  generation  that  knew  him,  but 


136          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

when  that  has  been  gathered,  like  the  sheaves,  he  will  survive 
only  in  the  pages  of  history  and  the  monuments  erected  to  him. 

He  did  not  have,  perhaps,  the  loftier  and  more  impressive 
powers  of  Webster,  the  commanding  austerity  and  force  of  Clay, 
or  the  persistent  adaptation  of  Douglas.  He  was  cast  in  a  milder 
and  subtler  mold.  If  he  lacked  some  of  the  more  rugged  and 
controlling  features  his  outlines  were  softer  and  more  even. 

When  those  die  who,  like  him,  have  been  able,  by  force  of 
genius,  worth,  or  circumstance,  to  lift  themselves  above  the 
common  level  of  their  fellows,  their  lives,  as  they  recede  into 
the  past  and  the  world  sweeps  on,  seem  like  great  islands  to 
those  who  sail  away  at  sea.  The  detail  of  event  and  circum 
stance  soon  wanes  and  fades  into  mere  outline  and  dim  contour. 

There  are  the  verdure,  mountain,  slope,  and  shore.  WTithin 
and  beyond  are  lakes  of  silent  contemplation  not  navigated  by 
shallops  and  smaller  sail ;  silent  streams  of  purpose  and  intent 
not  charted  on  the  maps  of  narrower  minds;  waters  pure  as 
crystal  dripping  from  rough  ledges  where  the  public  never  trod. 
And  so  in  this  great  life.  There  is  no  grand  rugged  height 
lifted  by  power  and  violence,  no  gorge  torn  by  selfishness  and 
distrust,  but  we  behold  it  like  some  scene  in  the  State  he  loved, 
where  the  setting  sun  casts  its  last  rays  upon  a  level,  undulat 
ing  reach  of  land,  gentle  and  subdued  in  outline,  filled  with  the 
scenes  and  sounds  of  homes,  exhaustless  in  resources,  where 
peace  and  contentment  dwell  safe  and  secure  even  when  dark 
ness  mantles  it  and  hides  it  from  our  eyes  ! 

Mr.  Speaker,  Iowa  mourns  with  Indiana,  mourns  with  all  her 
sisters. 

We  weep  for  Adonais  ;  he  is  dead. 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  KLEINER,  OF  INDIANA.  137 


Address  of  Mr.  KLEINER,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Speaker,  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  whose  distinguished 
public  services  we  commemorate  to-day,  was  a  noted  man  in 
the  political  arena  while  I  was  yet  in  my  cradle.  What  I  may 
say  of  him  will  therefore  add  but  little  to  what  has  already  been 
said  to-day  on  this  floor,  for  I  shall  devote  the  few  moments 
which  I  shall  occupy  to  the  events  in  his  life  which  have  passed 
before  my  personal  observation  as  an  Indianian  during  the  last 
fifteen  or  twenty  years,  and  which  have  long  since  become  a 
part  of  the  political  history  of  our  country. 

Governor  HENDRICKS,  by  which  title  he  was  familiarly  known 
to  the  later  generation  of  Indianians,  filled  well  every  measure  of 
duty  imposed  upon  him  by  the  favor  of  his  party.  His  counsel 
and  advice  were  eagerly  sought  by  the  old  and  young.  Wher 
ever  he  dared  to  lead  his  party  was  ever  ready  and  willing  to 
follow.  A  victorious  leader,  either  in  peace  or  war,  often  se 
cures  the  plaudits  of  men  because  of  his  achievements  over  his 
vanquished  adversary.  Not  so  with  the  late  chieftain  whose 
loss  we  mourn.  If  he  made  any  mistakes  or  had  any  faults  his 
followers  did  not  stop  to  consider  them  or  charitably  overlooked 
them,  for  he  never  appeared  stronger  than  when  he  went  down 
to  defeat,  which  was  often  within  the  last  twenty-five  years. 
Each  successive  disaster,  however,  only  added  to  the  number  of 
his  friends  who  would  rally  to  his  standard,  eager  to  renew  the 
contest  whenever  or  wherever  he  saw  proper  to  give  the  word  of 
command.  Thus,  step  by  step,  from  the  day  THOMAS  A.  HEN 
DRICKS  was  elected  to  the  legislative  assembly  of  Indiana, 
thirty-eight  years  ago,  to  the  day  on  which  he  closed  his  eyes 
upon  the  world,  he  continued  to  grow  in  the  affections  of  the 
people,  and  died  mourned  by  them,  if  emblems  of  sorrow  and 


138          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE ND RICKS. 

public  manifestation  are  considered  as  expressive  of  a  country's 
grief,  one  of  our  most  useful,  conspicuous,  and  illustrious  cit 
izens. 

No  man  who  was  ever  called  to  public  duty  did  it  better, 
whether  as  a  legislator  of  his  State  in  1848  and  1849,  or  as  a 
young  member  of  her  second  constitutional  convention  in  1850; 
whether  as  a  member  of  Congress  upon  this  floor  from  1851  to 
1855,  or  as  a  Senator  in  the  north  wing  of  this  Capitol  from  1863 
to  1869;  whether  as  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Depart 
ment  of  his  Government,  where  his  great  judicial  mind  devel 
oped  the  rick  traits  of  his  character,  or  as  chief  executive  ot 
Indiana,  which  office  since  the  admission  of  the  State  into  the 
Federal  Union  seventy  years  ago  is  rich  in  distinguished  names 
both  in  State  and  national  annals;  or  whether  we  find  him  as 
Vice-President  of  the  Republic  he  served  so  long  and  well,  and 
within  one  round  of  the  most  exalted  station  known  to  the  civ 
ilized  world.  In  all  these  he  did  his  duty  and  did  it  well. 

I  feel  a  just  pride  in  having  followed  the  destiny  of  this  great 
man  and  in  having  aided  in  my  own  humble  way  his  well- 
deserved  promotions  in  his  remarkable  career.  Pew  men  in 
this  nation  were  so  near  the  popular  heart  as  he  and  fewer  still 
deserved  to  be. 

But  the  pale  rider  selects  his  own  time  and  place  in  which  to 
make  his  assault,  and  his  incongruities  are  present  here.  In 
the  lifetime  of  our  friend  multitudes  surrounded  him,  honored 
in  their  ability  to  serve  him.  Nothing  that  kind  hearts  could 
suggest  or  willing  hands  could  bestow  was  withheld  from  their 
chieftain,  and  I  believe  I  speak  advisedly  and  truthfully  when  I 
say  that  at  no  time  in  his  long  and  useful  career  was  he  so  near 
the  heart  of  his  party  as  during  the  last  months  of  his  life,  or 
when  under  his  own  roof  in  the  capital  city  of  his  own  beloved 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  KLIENER,  OF  INDIANA.  139 

State  he  bade  farewell  to  the  world — alone  and  unattended — in 
the  words,  '  'At  rest  at  last, '  •  and  died  alone. 

Mr.  Speaker,  thoughtless  critics  have  frequently  alluded  to 
his  strong  partisan  convictions  as  indicative  of  illiberality  and 
contracted  views.  This  I  disclaim,  for  110  man  who  had  the 
pleasure  of  his  acquaintance  even  briefly  but  knew  how  tolerant 
he  was  of  the  opinions  of  those  who  differed  with  him  politi 
cally. 

Governor  HENDRICKS  was  a  Democrat,  a  practical  Democrat, 
who  believed  in  its  principles  and  its  traditions  as  embodied  in 
popular  democratic  government.  He  was  proud  of  and  ever 
ready  to  defend  his  political  creed,  and  this  he  did  in  the  fore 
front  of  a  score  of  political  campaigns.  He  believed  that  those 
of  his  political  followers  and  companions  who  had  gone  down 
to  defeat  with  him  in  almost  innumerable  political  reverses 
during  a  quarter  of  a  century  should  share  the  fruits  of  its  vic 
tories  in  the  hour  of  its  triumph.  When,  therefore,  in  1884 
the  Democratic  party  elected  Cleveland  and  Hendricks  as  Presi 
dent  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  he  accepted  the 
verdict  of  the  people  as  expressed  at  the  polls  to  mean  that  his 
partisan  followers  were  best  calculated  to  inaugurate  the  re 
forms  which  his  party  had  promised. 

For  this  reasonable  and  fair  construction  of  the  election  he 
was  often  derisively  termed  a  "partisan,"  a  "politician,"  and 
even  a  "spoilsman"  by  an  unfriendly  press  and  those  of  whom 
it  is  no  discourtesy  to  say  were  less  sincere,  less  patriotic,  and 
less  courageous  than  he.  It  was  because  he  loved  his  party  and 
believed  in  its  integrity  that  he  stood  committed  to  the  idea 
that  its  elevation  meant  burdens  as  well  as  honors  and  respon 
sibilities  ;  that  those  friendly  to  its  perpetuation  and  future 
success  should  administer  its  affairs,  and  in  this  view  the  ver 
dict  of  the  future  will  fully  sustain  him. 


I4O          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

The  prudent  counselor  is  gone ;  the  incorruptible  statesman 
is  no  more  among  us  ;  but  while  honest  convictions  and  upright 
purposes  endure,  while  faithful  services  to  his  country  find  a 
responsive  echo  in  honest  hearts,  THOMAS  A.  HRNDRICKS  will 
invoke  in  the  coming  generations  emulators  of  his  life  and 
example. 

Monuments  of  stone  to  commemorate  his  life  will  rise  in  the 
land  he  loved,  but  the  name  and  fame  of  THOMAS  A.  HEN- 
BRICKS  will  live  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen 
long  after  these  mere  physical  mementoes  have  crumbled  into 
dust. 

I  offer  this  as  my  humble  tribute  to  the  exalted  virtues  of  an 
able  lawyer,  an  eminent  statesman,  a  wise  counselor,  a  patriotic 
citizen,  an  honest  man,  and  a  kind  personal  friend. 


Address  of  Mr.  McADOO,  of  New  Jersey. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  impelled  by  the  high  esteem  and  admira 
tion  in  which  the  dead  statesman  was  held  in  New  Jersey  to 
submit  these  remarks. 

There  was  perhaps  no  State  in  the  Union,  outside  of  Indiana, 
in  which  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  more  beloved  by  the  people  than 
in  the  conservative  State  of  New  Jersey.  To  our  people  he  was 
the  personification  of  rugged,  earnest,  honest  democracy.  In  the 
heat  of  political  contest  two  names  shone  like  guiding-stars  to 
the  majority  of  her  people — the  names  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS 
and  George  B.  McClellau.  Illustrious  soldier  and  upright  states 
man,  they  sleep  now,  alas!  among  the  great  dead  of  the  Re 
public. 

To  his  contemporaries  in  his  own  State,  to  her  great  Senator, 
DANIEL  W.  VOORHEES,  to  her  great  citizen  and  Representative 
on  this  floor,  WILUAM  S.  HOLMAN,  and  to  others,  his  neigh- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  J\ICADOO,  OF  NEW  JERSEY.  141 

bors  and  intimate  friends,  we  can  well  intrust  the  story  of  his 
life.  So  eloquently,  so  graphically  will  they  tell  it  that  he  is 
indeed  fortunate  in  having  such  survivors. 

This  great  life  just  closed  was  not,  like  some  new  star,  dis 
covered  in  a  night.  Silently,  modestly,  persistently  it  mounted 
to  its  zenith.  By  neither  craft,  nor  trick,  nor  affectation  came 
this  great  man  to  sit  on  the  very  pinnacle  of  the  state.  How 
humbly  he  rose,  how  grandly  and  surely  he  mounted  up,  has 
infinite  lessons  for  us  all.  The  people  were  not  attracted  to  him 
by  any  artificial  glamour,  by  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war. 
In  an  age  of  military  heroes  he  never,  even  then,  lost  his  place 
in  their  hearts.  This  quiet,  dignified,  plain,  unpretending  cit 
izen  excited  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-men  all  the  enthusiasm 
granted  those  heroic  characters  who  blazed  like  meteors  amid 
the  storm  and  wreck  of  devastating  war. 

Mr.  Speaker,  humanity  is  instinctively  discerning  as  to  the 
character  of  those  whom  it  trusts  with  great  power.  The  peo 
ple  knew  the  heart  of  THOMAS  ANDREW  HENDRICKS  pulsated 
in  its  every  throb  for  human  freedom,  individual  rights,  and 
self-government  the  world  over.  The  great  central  pillar  on 
which  the  fabric  of  his  character  was  reared  was  earnestness — 
honest,  unyielding  earnestness.  In  an  age  of  hypocrites  and 
shams,  he  stood  forth  an  aggressively  honest  man.  As  a  law 
yer,  a  statesman,  a  citizen,  he  spoke  what  he  believed  to  be  true. 
He  never  temporized.  I  have  said  he  was  opposed  to  all  hypoc 
risies  in  public  and  private  life.  How  great  was  this  cardinal 
virtue  we  can  judge  when  we  recall  the  terrible  picture  of  the 
opposing  vice  drawn  by  the  learned  and  saintly  Jeremy  Taylor 
over  a  century  ago.  He  says  in  one  of  his  discourses: 

There  is  an  universal  crust  of  hypocrisy  that  covers  the  face  of  the  greatest  part  of 
mankind.  Their  religion  consists  in  forms  and  outsides,  and  serves  reputation  or  a  de 
sign,  but  does  not  serve  God.  Their  promises  are  but  fair  language  and  the  civilities 


142          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

of  piazzas  or  exchanges,  and  disband  and  untie,  like  the  air  that  beats  upon  their  teeth, 
when  they  speak  the  delicious  and  hopeful  words ;  their  oaths  are  snares  to  catch  men 
and  make  them  confident ;  their  contracts  are  arts  and  stratagems  to  deceive,  measured 
by  profit  and  possibility;  and  everything  is  lawful  that  is  gainful;  and  their  friendships 
are  trades  of  getting;  and  their  kindness  of  watching  a  dying  friend  is  but  the  office  of 
n  vulture,  the  gaping  for  a  legacy,  the  spoil  of  a  carcass;  and  their  sicknesses  are  many 
times  policies  of  state,  sometimes  a  design  to  show  the  riches  of  our  bedchamber;  and 
their  funeral  tears  are  but  the  paranymphs  and  pious  solicitors  of  a  second  bride. 

He  was  an  earnest  partisan.  He  believed  in  the  Democratic 
party  as  embodying  the  true  principles  of  republican  govern 
ment.  He  stood  by  its  organzation  in  defeat  and  victory.  He 
believed  in  its  men  as  well  as  its  measures.  He  used  to  speak 
affectionately  of  ' '  the  boys, ' '  meaning  the  young  men  who  were 
so  active  in  its  campaigns,  and  the  "boys"  in  return  would  have 
made  any  sacrifice  for  him.  Party  contests  on  the  great  field 
of  Federal  politics  were  to  him  no  mimic  strife.  In  the  prog 
ress  of  the  contest  and  in  garnering  the  results  he  was  in  deadly 
earnest — in  all  this,  however,  courteous,  fair,  honorable,  can 
did,  and  gentlemanly,  never  blatant,  boisterous,  nor  demagogic. 
There  were  no  neutral  tints  in  his  politics.  Like  all  earnest 
men  he  had  strong  opposition  to  contend  with,  but  was  withal 
heartily  respected  by  his  opponents.  He  was  strongly  in  favor 
of  purging  the  civil  service  of  incompetent  or  dishonest  officers 
and  of  those  who  had  prostituted  their  offices  for  partisan  pur 
poses,  and  of  filling  their  places  with  honest  and  competent 
men  of  his  own  political  faith,  who  besides  being  such  had  ren 
dered  honorable  and  efficient  party  service.  For  this  a  few 
have  caviled  at  him,  but  the  great  bulk  of  people  in  both  par 
ties  honored  him  for  his  adherence  to  this  robust  American  idea, 
so  ably  enunciated  by  Thomas  Jefferson. 

He  was  a  broad-minded  man,  and  never  let  his  politics  settle 
on  any  one  question  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others.  He  was  by 
some  taunted  with  timidity,  because  he  stubbornly  refused  to 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  MCADOO,   OF  NEW  JERSEY. 

merge  himself  in  some  so-called  reform  or  theory.  He  met 
questions  as  they  arose,  and  never  anticipated  a  movement  be 
fore  it  showed  signs  of  life  in  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  He 
stood  on  the  solid  rock  of  conservative  general  statesmanship, 
and  did  not  need  to  climb  up  on  some  fantastic  theory  to  be 
seen  by  the  multitude.  He  had  no  faith  in  universal  panaceas 
by  act  of  Congress,  and  had  no  time  to  waste  on  political  nos 
trums.  Faithful  adherence  to  the  Constitution  was  his  remedy 
for  troublous  questions. 

Little  men  riding  their  little  hobbies  go  on  and  off  the  stage, 
until  hobby  and  rider  are  both  relegated  to  the  must}-  obscurity 
of  the  property-room,  but  the  broad-minded,  catholic,  far- 
visioned,  prophetic  statesman  remains  for  all  time.  He  was  an 
absolutely  truthful  man.  He  would  have  yielded  up  his  life  to 
a  mob  before  denying  a  tittle  of  his  principles.  In  the  stormy 
times  of  civil  war  and  sectional  strife  he  stood  as  firm  as  a  rock. 
If  he  had  been  the  only  one  left  of  its  defenders  he  would  have 
stood  beside  the  Constitution  like  some  Titanic  defender  until 
hewn  in  pieces  by  its  enemies.  And  even  as  their  spears  pierced 
him  they  would  have  rendered  the  homage  of  respectful  admi 
ration.  The  people  rallied  to  him  because  they  knew  he  always 
spoke  the  truth  as  he  saw  it.  He  never  deceived  them.  To 
millions  of  his  countrymen  his  word  wras  an  inviolable  bond. 
His  character  as  public  man  and  private  citizen  was  stainless. 
In  an  age  of  corruption,  sensation,  and  abuse,  no  scandal  how 
ever  faint  shadowed  his  good  name,  no  idle  rumor  soiled  it  with 
polluted  breath.  What  a  lesson  this  well-rounded  character  is 
to  the  young  men  of  the  Republic!  Aggressive  honesty  and 
granite-like  integrity  are  indeed  the  only  sure  foundations  of  a 
lasting  reputation.  There  are  no  short  and  dishonest  cuts  to 
enduring  fame.  The}-  only  live  in  the  annals  of  a  free  people 
who  are  superior  to  temptation  and  circumstance. 


144          LIFE  AND  CHAKACTXR  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

Above  all  else  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  a  thorough  American. 
A  Christian  gentleman,  he  would  have  looked  kingly  in  any 
assembly  in  his  regal  simplicity.  Kings,  dukes,  princes,  court 
iers,  were  as  all  other  men  to  him.  He  was  no  flunky.  He  did 
not,  like  a  certain  genial  poet,  ' '  dearly  love  a  lord. ' '  He  never 
tried  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  debilitated  aristocracy  of 
foreign  countries.  He  talked  and  lived  for  America  and  Amer 
ican  freemen,  and  had  little  time  to  prate  nimbly  and  obsequi 
ously  at  banquets  of  ' '  the  mother  country. ' '  All  Europe  was 
to  him  "the  mother  country."  All  mankind,  not  the  favored 
few,  were  the  objects  of  legislation  and  regard.  He  was  no  re 
specter  of  persons.  "The  rank  is  but  the  guinea's  stamp," 
was  his  creed. 

His  heart  went  out  to  all  peoples  struggling  for  liberty  and 
national  autonomy.  Throughout  his  life  he  was  the  firm,  true 
friend  of  Ireland  and  the  Irish  people.  One  of  his  last  public 
acts,  and  while  Vice-President,  was  to  preside  and  speak  at  a 
monster  meeting  to  aid  the  heroic  struggle  for  self-government  in 
Ireland.  He  was  beloved  by  all  Irish- Americans.  Their  faith 
in  him  and  love  for  him  was  shown  in  many  a  crisis.  He  was 
an  enemy  of  tyranny  and  oppression  and  a  friend  of  liberty 
wherever  the  one  reigned  or  the  other  struggled. 

His  domestic  life  was  sweet  and  holy  in  its  devotion  and  sim 
plicity.  It  were  rude,  if  not  profane,  to  intrude  on  the  hallowed 
domestic  ground  in  which  he  trod  through  life  with  the  noble 
gentlewoman  who  now  so  deeply  mourns  his  death.  They  were 
truly  mated  and  inseparable  companions.  Much  of  Mr.  HEN- 
BRICKS' S  success  is  due  to  this  bereaved  wife,  to  whom  the  sym 
pathy  of  millions  of  her  countrymen  and  women  goes  forth  to 
day. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  fortunate  in  his  ancestry.  He  had  in 
him  a  strain  of  the  best  blood  on  this  continent.  His  Ulster 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  M°ADOO,   OF  NE IV  JERSEY.  145 

Irish  ancestors  were  among  the  early  settlers  of  Western  Penn 
sylvania.  Generally  a  mountain  people,  the}-  followed  in  their 
settlements  along  the  great  Appalachain  range  from  Vermont, 
through  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  down  into  Georgia.  Natural-born  republicans, 
they  sealed  their  devotioii  to  American  independence  on  many 
a  bloody  field  of  revolutionary  strife.  In  after  years  they  pro 
duced  such  men  as  Richard  Montgomery,  Andrew  Jackson, 
George  B.  McClellan,  Stonewall  Jackson,  and  General  J.  E.  B. 
Stuart,  James  Buchanan,  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  General  McCal- 
mont,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  a  brilliant  host,  no  less  distin 
guished.  In  the  history  of  our  country  the  names  and  actions 
of  this  early  immigration  stand  out  in  strong  letters.  Their 
influence  permeates  our  institutions  and  helped  to  found  our 
Government. 

His  body  rests  in  Indiana  soil,  but  his  name  and  fame  live 
forever  in  the  history  of  his  country.  A  plain,  unassuming, 
honest  man,  and  yet  an  illustrious  citizen  and  great  leader  of 
the  people.  Prudent,  yet  bold,  conservative,  but  convinced  he 
met  every  question  as  it  arose  with  resolution,  patriotism,  and 
understanding.  A  Christian,  and  a  man  of  high  honor  and 
strong  faith,  at  the  close  of  a  useful  and  eventful  life  he  died 
as  became  him,  peacefully.  There  can  be  but  one  regret  con 
nected  with  his  political  career.  Through  the  storm  of  con 
test  and  the  gloom  of  defeat  he  had  led  his  party  for  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  to  die,  like  Moses  on  the  heights  of  Nebo, 
with  the  glorious  vista  of  its  future  usefulness  before  him. 
Truly,  can  we  say  of  him : 

Death  makes  no  conquest  of  this  conqueror; 
For  now  he  lives  in  fame  though  not  in  life. 

S.  Mis.  120 10 


146          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 


Address  of  Mr.  HOLMAN,  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  death  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  Vice-Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States,  aroused  the  sensibilities  of  the  whole 
American  people,  and  called  forth  a  universal  expression  of  re 
gret  and  sorrow.  The  record  of  the  life  of  an  eminent  citizen 
is  a  priceless  legacy  to  his  country,  and  the  two  Houses  of  Con 
gress,  in  suspending  for  the  time  current  affairs  and  placing  in 
the  archives  of  the  nation  a  memorial  of  the  public  esteem  in 
which  such  a  record  is  held,  give  just  expression  to  the  senti 
ments  of  the  people  they  represent  and  do  honor  to  the  Republic. 

THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  was  a  native  of  Muskingum  County, 
Ohio,  born  on  the  ji\\  of  September,  1819,  to  which  region  his 
father  had  emigrated  from  Pennsylvania.  While  he  was  still 
but  two  or  three  years  of  age  his  father  removed  with  his  family 
to  Madison,  Ind. ,  thence  to  a  farm  adjoining  the  then  village  of 
Shelbyville,  in  Shelby  County,  Indiana,  near  the  center  of  the 
vState,  then  an  almost  unbroken  wilderness. 

The  Hendricks  family  has  been  more  prominently  identified 
with  the  history  of  Indiana  than  any  other.  As  early  as  the 
year  1814  William  Hendricks,  uncle  of  the  late  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  became  a  citizen  of  the  now  beautiful  city 
of  Madison,  on  the  Ohio  River.  He  was  the  secretary  of  the 
first  constitutional  convention  of  Indiana,  and  represented  the 
vState  four  terms  in  the  House  and  two  terms  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  with  distinguished  ability,  and  in  the  mean 
time  was  for  a  full  term  governor  of  the  State. 

I  knew  the  father  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  a  portly, 
dignified,  unassuming  gentleman,  in  faith  a  Presbyterian,  who 
took  a  lively  interest  in  matters  of  education  and  in  the  chari 
table  institutions  in  his  section  of  country — a  plain,  upright, 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  IIOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  147 

honest  man,  a  friend  to  every  work  of  benevolence  and  charity. 
His  circumstances  were  easy  for  that  early  period,  when  lands 
were  cheap.  The  material  condition  and  social  life  of  these 
early  pioneers  were  marked  by  general  equality  and  republican 
simplicity — none  were  rich  and  none  poor.  It  was  a  region 
gladdened  with  streams  of  sparkling  water,  of  fertile  land  cov 
ered  with  primeval  forests  from  which  the  Indian  but  a  few 
years  before  had  sullenly  turned  his  face  to  the  west.  These 
rich  lands  invited  emigrants  from  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Ken 
tucky,  North  Carolina,  and  other  States,  and  soon  became  a 
prosperous  community — each  citizen  the  sturdy  master  of  a 
freehold. 

Here  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  in  a  happy  rural  home,  grew 
up  to  manhood  with  the  advantages  of  early  education  common 
to  a  prosperous  pioneer  settlement.  He  engaged  in  a  regular 
course  of  study  at  Hanover  College,  in  Jefferson  County,  In 
diana,  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  great  institutions  of  learning 
in  the  West,  located  on  a  magnificent  elevation  overlooking  the 
waters  of  the  Ohio,  an  institution  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church,  which  has  always  maintained  a  high 
standing,  where  many  of  the  foremost  men  of  Indiana  have 
been  educated,  and  graduated  in  1841. 

After  graduating  he  at  once  entered  upon  the  study  of  the 
law,  and  completed  his  studies  in  1843  a^  Chambersburg,  Pa., 
and  entered  upon  the  practice  at  Shelbyville,  Ind.  Two  years 
later  Mr.  HKNDRICKS  was  joined  in  marriage  with  Miss  Eliza 
C.  Morgan,  of  Ohio,  a  lady  of  rare  and  excellent  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart  and  of  superior  accomplishments,  who  became 
the  close  and  constant  companion  of  his  life. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  rose  steadily,  but  not  rapidly,  in  his  profes 
sion.  The  old  neighbors  took  a  lively  interest  in  his  advance- 


148          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDR1CKS. 

ment,  and  as  early  as  1848  he  had  acquired  an  honorable  stand 
ing  in  the  courts. 

In  that  year  he  was  elected  a  representative  in  the  legislature 
of  Indiana,  but  I  am  not  informed  that  in  that  service  he  added 
materially  to  his  reputation.  In  1850  he  was  elected  a  delegate 
to  the  constitutional  convention  of  the  State,  which  by  a  pre 
vious  decision  of  the  people  was  to  convene  at  Indianapolis  on 
the  yth  day  of  October  of  that  year.  This  convention  presented 
a  grand  opportunity  for  a  young  man  eager  to  enter  the  public 
service.  It  was  as  a  member  of  this  convention  that  Mr.  HEN- 
DRICKS  entered  upon  his  public  career.  It  was  composed  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  delegates.  Great  importance  was  attached  to 
it  by  the  people.  The  Democratic  party  was  greatly  in  the 
majority,  but  the  Whigs  were  represented  by  an  exceedingly 
able  body  of  statesmen.  Nearly  all  the  men  of  both  of  the  old 
parties  in  the  State  of  established  reputation  were  members — 
Robert  Dale  Owen,  Michael  G.  Bright,  John  Pettit,  Democrats; 
Governor  David  Wallace,  James  Rariden,  Douglas  McGuire, 
Whigs,  with  many  others  of  both  parties  equally  distinguished 
in  national  or  State  politics;  while  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS, 
Schuyler  Colfax,  William  McKee  Dunn,  Alvin  G.  Hovey,  and 
others  afterward  distinguished  in  public  life  were  of  the  younger 
members  of  the  convention  and  not  then  generally  known 
throughout  the  State. 

In  a  convention  so  largely  composed  of  old  statesmen  the 
young  men  came  slowly  to  the  front.  Mr.  HENDRICKS  sub 
mitted  few  propositions  and  seldom  addressed  the  convention; 
when  he  did  it  was  on  a  question  of  recognized  importance. 
As  a  speaker  he  was  pleasant  yet  diffident  and  hesitating,  his 
style  clear  and  direct  without  any  attempt  at  embellishment; 
but  there  was  in  his  manner  and  language  an  expression  of 
frankness,  sincerity,  and  earnestness  that  always  secured  a  re- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  149 

spectful  hearing.  The  strong,  positive,  and  confident  manner 
and  style  habitual  to  him  in  later  years  was  not  displayed  in 
these  earlier  efforts. 

The  propositions  he  brought  forward  and  the  few  addresses 
he  delivered  were  characterized  by  modest}-  and  good  judg 
ment,  without  the  least  attempt  at  display.  But  as  a  pleasant, 
cheerful,  courteous  gentleman  Mr.  HENDRICKS  then  displayed 
the  excellent  social  qualities  that  so  charmed  his  acquaintances 
and  friends  through  all  the  subsequent  years  of  his  life.  These 
qualities  gathered  friends  around  him,  Whigs  and  Democrats 
alike,  and  long  before  the  labors  of  that  convention  were  com 
pleted  he  was  recognized  by  men  of  both  parties  as  one  of  the 
coming  men  of  the  State.  He  did  not  seem  conscious  of  the 
interest  growing  around  him,  and  I  will  never  forget  his  look 
of  pleased  astonishment  when,  entering  one  evening  the  room 
we  occupied  in  common,  I  told  him  a  leading  citizen  of  his  dis 
trict  had  just  informed  me  he  was  to  be  the  next  candidate  of 
his  party  in  that  district  for  Congress. 

I  know  nothing  more  in  harmony  with  the  character  of  Mr. 
HENDRICKS  as  I  knew  it  through  a  period  of  more  than  thirty- 
five  years  than  a  brief  eulogy  delivered  by  him  on  the  i8th  day 
of  November,  1850,  on  the  death  of  his  venerable  colleague  in 
that  convention,  Mr.  Van  Benthuysen.  After  an  appropriate 
reference  to  the  history  of  his  colleague,  he  concluded  as 
follows : 

In  all  the  relations  of  life  he  was  a  true  man.  As  a  member  of  the  benevolent  insti 
tutions  of  his  country,  in  his  political  connections,  as  a  citizen,  and  as  a  Christian,  he 
was  faithful  to  all  of  his  espousals.  To  his  order,  his  party,  his  country,  and  his  faith, 
in  their  prosperity  and  adversity,  their  bright  day  and  cloudy  day,  he  was  the  same  true 
brother,  warm  friend,  zealous  patriot,  and  unwearying  Christian. 

This  proved  to  be  an  epitome  of  his  own  life.  Shortly  after 
the  close  of  that  convention  in  1851  he  was  nominated  by  his 
political  friends  for  Congress,  and  elected  at  the  ensuing  elec- 


I  50         LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEXDRICKS. 

tion.  The  capital  district  of  Indiana  was  then,  as  ever  since, 
noted  for  the  number  of  its  able  men  of  both  parties.  The 
great  Democratic  leaders  of  that  day  in  that  district  were  men 
who  had  already  acquired  a  national  reputation — William  J. 
Brown  and  W.  W.  Wick,  who  long  served  in  this  House,  and 
others  of  recognized  ability.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  HKN- 
DRICKS  on  that  occasion  was  simply  an  expression  of  the  confi 
dence  of  his  political  friends,  which  his  prudent  and  manly 
deportment  in  that  convention  had  inspired.  By  a  change  in 
the  time  of  the  Congressional  election  in  Indiana,  Mr.  HEN- 
DRICKS  was  re-elected  to  Congress  in  1852,  and  two  years  later 
was  again  nominated  by  his  political  friends  with  great  una 
nimity.  Here  he  encountered  that  remarkable  political  epi 
sode,  that  cyclone  in  politics  as  un-American  as  a  sand-storm 
in  the  Lybian  desert,  generally  known  as  the  American  party. 
Judging  from  the  subsequent  life  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  there  was 
not  a  man  in  America  less  likely  to  bend  to  that  storm  than 
himself,  and  he  and  most  of  his  political  associates  went  down 
before  the  blind  but  momentary  fury  of  the  blast. 

Leaving  Congress  in  1855,  without  solicitation  he  was  ap 
pointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of 
the  General  Land  Office,  a  bureau  then  as  now  of  greater  im 
portance,  in  view  of  the  far-reaching  interests  involved,  than 
any  other  under  the  Federal  Government.  I  do  not  claim  that 
during  the  period  of  his  service  in  this  House  or  while  he  per 
formed,  as  he  did,  with  unwearying  vigilance  and  admirable 
judgment  the  duties  of  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land 
Office  he  attracted  in  a  large  degree  the  attention  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  but  as  far  as  his  reputation  extended  in 
the  fulfillment  of  the  duties  of  those  employments  it  was  im 
pressed  upon  the  public  mind  that  he  was  a  gentleman  of  excel 
lent  judgment,  conservative  views,  of  great  capacity  in  affairs, 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLM  AN,  OF  INDIANA.  I  5  I 

and  of  unyielding  integrity  of  purpose.  These  qualities  nat 
urally  arrested  more  attention  in  his  own  State  than  in  the 
country  at  large. 

In  1860  he  was  nominated  by  his  party  for  governor  of  Indi 
ana.  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  who  had  previously  served  in  this 
House  and  afterwards  in  the  Senate,  a  distinguished  Whig  in 
the  old  school  of  politics,  a  Republican  in  the  new,  was  his 
opponent.  The  canvass  was  of  unusual  interest,  but  did  not 
materially  affect  the  result.  The  great  underlying  political 
current  of  the  period — antagonism  to  slavery — which  set  all 
party  schemes  at  defiance,  mastered  results.  Mr.  HENDRICKS 
was  defeated.  In  the  political  revolution  of  1862  in  Indiana  he 
became  completely  in  his  State  the  master  of  the  situation,  and 
was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  with  the  absolute 
unanimity  of  his  political  friends,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  body 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1863. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS'S  service  in  the  Senate  covers  the  most  im 
portant  period  of  the  war  and  the  period  of  reconstruction.  It 
was  in  this  service  he  gained  in  a  large  degree  the  confidence 
of  his  party  in  the  nation  that  he  had  long  possessed  in  his 
State.  He  never  at  any  moment  from  the  first  gun  of  the  war 
of  the  rebellion  to  the  last  faltered  in  his  faith  that  the  Union 
of  the  States  would  be  maintained.  He  never  uttered  a  word 
in  justification  or  excuse  of  the  fratricidal  policy  that  sought  to 
destroy  the  Union.  He  never  as  Senator  failed  in  his  support 
of  the  measures  deemed  necessary  by  the  administration  of  the 
Government  to  restore  and  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Union. 
Before  the  war  he  had  stood  up  against  the  fierce  political  forces 
which  were  inciting  war  between  the  two  sections  of  the  Union, 
for  he  believed  that  the  underlying  cause  of  the  impending  con 
flict — African  slavery — could  be  removed  without  an  appeal  to 
arms.  He  deplored  the  ultimate  results  of  intestine  war,  but  I 


152          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 

am  absolutely  safe  in  asserting  that  neither  as  a  citizen  nor  as  a 
Senator  of  the  United  States  did  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  ever 
utter  one  word  or  perform  a  single  act  that  was  not  perfectly 
loyal  to  the  Union  of  the  States,  or  as  Senator  hesitate  to  sup 
port  any  measure  deemed  necessary  for  its  maintenance. 

The  great  speeches  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  are  to  be  found  in  the 
debates  in  the  Senate  over  the  measures  of  reconstruction.  I 
will  not  attempt  to  recall  them.  They  are  a  part  of  the  history 
of  the  country.  They  were  the  result  of  his  mature  convic 
tions.  He  held  that  the  war  of  the  rebellion  had  not  dissolved 
the  Union  or  changed  the  relations  of  any  of  the  States  to  the 
Federal  Government,  or  enlarged  the  powers  of  Congress.  His 
conduct  and  deportment  during  this  period,  and  the  ability  he 
displayed,  challenged  the  respect  of  his  political  opponents,  for 
none  doubted  the  sincerity  and  integrity  of  his  motives. 

His  reputation  rests  safely  on  the  powerful  arguments  he  sub 
mitted  against  the  measures  of  reconstruction  from  the  stand 
of  his  convictions  of  public  duty. 

We  are,  perhaps,  too  near  the  fierce  fires  of  that  conflict  to 
pronounce  an  impartial  judgment  on  the  political  theories  of 
the  period,  especially  as  to  the  measures  of  reconstruction,  but 
of  the  high  and  patriotic  motives  that  inspired  the  action  of 
Mr.  HENDRICKS  during  that  period  his  friends  are  confident  no 
question  will  be  made  when  impartial  history  shall  be  written. 
During  the  period  of  reconstruction  and  the  impeachment  of 
President  Johnson,  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  recognized  as  the  great 
est  representative  of  his  party  in  the  Senate,  and  I  am  sure  that 
party  is  satisfied  with  the  record  he  made. 

While  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  in  the  Senate  the  Presidential 
contest  of  1868  occurred.  A  widespread  sentiment  existed 
among  Democrats  that  Mr.  HENDRICKS  should  be  their  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency.  There  were  strong  indications  of  such 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLM  AN,  OF  INDIANA.  153 

a  result.  The  underlying  forces  incident  to  a  great  convention 
determined  otherwise,  but  it  is  reasonably  certain  that  Demo 
cratic  opinion  throughout  the  country  demanded  the  nomina 
tion  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  for  the  Presidency  by  that  convention. 
It  was,  at  least,  not  an  improbable  event.  During  that  conven 
tion,  and  while  the  great  issue  was  in  suspense  but  promising 
an  earh"  decision,  I  was  walking  with  Mr.  HENDRICKS  in  the 
garden  west  of  the  Capitol.  Messages  came  to  him  from  a 
friend  in  the  convention  in  New  York  at  short  intervals.  The 
prospects,  combinations,  changes,  speculations  as  to  the  result 
were  reported  from  hour  to  hour  in  endless  succession,  almost 
bringing  with  them  the  throbbing  tumult  of  the  great  assem 
blage.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  Mr.  HENDRICKS  talked  on  in 
his  cheerful,  pleasant  way,  unmoved  by  the  stirring  reports, 
neither  buoyant  under  seeming  advantage  nor  despondent  under 
defeat.  His  deportment  filled  me  with  admiration,  and  I  said 
to  myself  this  is  the  grandest  character  of  them  all.  In  1868 
he  was  again  the  candidate  of  his  party  for  governor,  but  was 
again  defeated.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  every  nomination 
of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  for  office  after  1851  was  by  the  unanimous 
action  of  his  party  and  that  every  successive  defeat  secured  to 
him  the  higher  confidence  and  greater  devotion  of  his  political 
friends. 

In  1872,  after  a  contest  of  unexampled  interest,  he  was  elected 
governor  of  Indiana  and  served  the  full  term. 

He  was  nominated  greatly  against  his  will,  and  finally,  under 
the  earnest  and  persistent  importunities  of  his  political  friends, 
accepted  the  nomination  of  his  party  for  Vice-President  in  1876, 
with  Mr.  Tilden  as  candidate  for  President.  His  acceptance  of 
this  nomination  more  than  any  other  act  of  his  life  exemplified 
his  devotion  to  his  party,  the  ultimate  triumph  of  whose  prin 
ciples  he  believed  to  be  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  public 


154 


LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS. 


safety.  He  did  not  wish  the  nomination  for  Vice-President. 
He  did  not  wish  the  office.  A  large  body  of  his  political  and 
personal  friends  were  dissatisfied  with  the  action  of  the  conven 
tion,  believing  that  he  was  the  choice  of  his  party  for  the  Pres 
idency.  Yet  he  accepted  the  nomination.  I  need  not  speak  of 
the  result  of  that  Presidential  contest. 

In  1884  Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  nominated  lor  Vice-President 
at  the  Democratic  national  convention  at  Chicago  after  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Cleveland  for  President.  It  is  true  to  his 
tory  to  say  that  Mr.  HENDRICKS  wished  at  that  time  the  renoni- 
ination  of  the  old  ticket  of  1876 — Tilden  and  Hendricks.  He 
believed  at  the  outset  that  Mr.  Tilden  would  accept,  if  it  was 
tendered  to  him,  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency.  When 
it  was  clear  that  Mr.  Tilden  would  not,  his  personal  relations 
with  that  contest  ceased.  He  did  not  expect  the  nomination 
for  President  or  desire  the  nomination  for  Vice-President.  He 
did  not  overlook  or  underestimate  the  strength  of  his  friends  in 
all  sections  of  the  Union,  but  he  understood  fully  the  effect  of 
the  position  he  assumed  in  1880,  when  he  peremptorily  refused 
in  advance  a  nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  the  antag 
onism  in  which  it  placed  him  with  the  great  political  forces  of 
the  East.  Hence,  when  even  by  an  overmastering  acclamation 
he  was  called  upon  to  accept  the  nomination  for  Vice-President, 
he  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  demand.  He  did  not  feel  that  entire 
justice  had  been  done  to  that  great  body  of  his  party  which  had 
for  years  desired  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency.  He  felt 
that  great  political  forces  were  for  the  time  unfriendly  to  the 
nomination  of  a  citizen  to  that  high  office  in  the  section  of  the 
Union  of  which  he  was  the  recognized  representative.  He  had 
indulged,  upon  just  grounds  and  with  ample  reason,  aspirations 
to  the  greatest  office  in  his  country,  but  he  now  felt  that  fortune 
had  decided  against  him.  But  he  had  been  too  long  a  living 


A  DDK  ESS  OF  MR.  HOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  \  5  5 

force  in  the  Democratic  party  to  contemplate  its  future  without 
being  identified  with  its  fortunes.  And  more  than  this,  while 
the  majority  of  the  delegates  had  decided  that  the  interests  of 
the  party  demanded  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  of  a  citi 
zen  of  a  great  Eastern  State,  yet  the  unexampled  enthusiasm 
displayed  when  he  appeared  in  the  convention,  and  when  his 
own  name  was  finally  and  unexpectedly  to  him  mentioned  for 
the  second  office,  left  no  doubt  of  his  strong  hold  on  the  confi 
dence  and  affections  of  his  party.  No  human  being  could  have 
resisted  such  an  ovation,  and  Grover  Cleveland  and  THOMAS 
A.  HENDRICKS  were  respectively  elected  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

And  here  I  pause,  except  to  consider  the  question  that  may  be 
suggested  touching  the  place  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  ought  to 
occupy  in  history.  It  is  said  that  he  \vas  never  specially  ident 
ified  with  any  great  and  distinctive  measure  of  public  policy. 
This  is  perhaps  true  as  to  the  initiation  of  any  such  measure. 
But  is  it  true  that  the  quality  of  greatness  in  an  American 
statesman  can  only  arise  incidentally  from  his  association  with 
a  measure  of  government  of  special  importance  or  of  great  re 
sults?  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  James  Madison,  and 
their  associates,  founders  of  this  Republic,  in  the  opinion  of 
their  countrymen  and  in  the  current  judgment  of  the  world 
stand  alone  in  statemanship.  Webster  and  Chief-Justice  Mar 
shall  will,  for  all  time,  be  associated,  but  from  different  stand 
points,  with  the  struggle  which  defined  the  powers  and  estab 
lished  the  supremacy  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  the  local  sov 
ereignty  of  the  States.  Mr.  Monroe,  with  the  American  doc 
trine  that  European  powers  should  not  intervene  in  the  political 
affairs  of  this  continent ;  Mr.  Douglas,  with  the  masterly,  yet 
necessarily  abortive,  effort  to  postpone  the  issue  of  African 
slavery,  which  irresistible  forces  were  pressing  upon  the 


I  56          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HE.VDRICKS. 

country,  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  the  final  abolition  of  African 
slavery.  These  and,  perhaps,  a  few  other  instances  can  be 
named,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  where, 
in  the  public  judgment,  the  reputation  of  a  citizen,  recognized 
as  one  of  the  great  men  of  the  Republic,  is  indissolubly  united 
with  a  great  public  measure,  yet  in  each  instance  the  promi 
nent  feature  of  public  policy  named  was  but  an  incident  in  the 
record  of  the  statesman.  I  have  spoken  only  of  statesmen,  not 
citizens  who  have  become  great  by  the  successful  command  of 
armies. 

Successive  generations  of  men,  since  the  formation  of  this 
Government,  have  remarked  with  astonishment  its  wonderful 
adaptability  alike  to  the  small  community  for  which  it  was 
formed  as  to  more  and  more  enlarged  and  powerful  communi 
ties,  until  it  extends  over  and  embraces  a  commonwealth  which 
in  intelligence,  numbers,  community  of  interest,  prosperity, 
and  possessions  stands  the  first  on  the  globe.  From  this  stand 
point  statesmanship  in  the  United  States  is  to  be  considered, 
for  to  the  natural  cause  of  fertile  lands  and  salubrious  climate, 
combined  with  a  system  of  government  of  unexampled  good 
ness,  the  remarkable  result  must  be  attributed.  To  maintain 
this  system  of  government  in  its  complete  and  perfect  vigor 
has  been  the  highest  duty  of  American  statesmanship  from  the 
beginning. 

Hence  the  study  of  American  history  reveals  the  fact  that 
comparatively  few  of  the  recognized  great  men  of  the  Republic 
have  secured  that  exalted  standing  in  the  public  judgment  by 
being  specially  identified  with  a  great  public  measure,  espe 
cially  a  measure  proven  great  and  valuable  by  the  test  of  ex 
perience.  Great  and  permanent  measures  of  government  are 
seldom  the  result  of  the  wisdom  and  foresight  of  a  single  states 
man.  Consider  the  present  monetary  system  of  the  United 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  157 

States,  so  generally  in  its  leading  features  satisfactory.  No 
statesman,  living  or  dead,  is  specially  in  the  public  judgment 
entitled  to  credit  for  it.  It  grew  up  and  acquired  form  and 
character  through  countless  industrial,  commercial,  and  polit 
ical  forces.  It  is  simply  the  outgrowth  of  the  conflicts  of  opin 
ion  in  public  and  private  affairs,  and  in  the  exigencies  of 
government,  and  the  same  is  true  of  most  of  the  great  measures 
of  legislation. 

Accepting,  then,  our  system  of  government,  as  nearly  a  cent 
ury  has  demonstrated,  as  perfect  as  human  wisdom  could  devise, 
considering  the  value  of  fixed  and  permanent  institutions  and 
the  forces  always  at  work,  generally  by  indirection,  to  remold 
and  warp  those  institutions  in  the  advancement  of  party  or  of 
great  special  interests,  it  must  be  admitted  that  conservative 
forces,  conservative  statesmanship,  are  of  the  highest  value. 
Yet  it  is  obvious  that  in  a  great  government  like  ours,  occupy 
ing  a  large  space  and  a  commanding  position  in  the  most  favored 
portion  of  the  globe,  powerful  and  not  unfrequently  conflicting 
forces  will  arise  which  cannot  be  ignored — interests  strong 
enough  to  command  a  hearing.  In  this  view  I  submit  that  a 
broad  and  comprehensive  conservatism  in  statesmanship  that 
takes  all  these  forces  as  they  arise  into  the  account,  and  yet 
maintains  with  unfaltering  fortitude  the  essential  principles 
which  underlie  our  system  of  government,  the  ancient  land 
marks  of  our  republican  institutions,  is  the  quality  of  states 
manship  which  ought  to  hold,  under  all  conditions,  in  the 
largest  degree  the  confidence  of  the  American  people.  A  states 
man  controlled  by  such  views  and  possessed  of  great  powers  to 
maintain  and  uphold  them  is  sure  to  arrest  the  attention  and 
secure  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen. 

Such  a  statesman  was  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS,  and  such  was 
his  view  of  the  duties  of  American  statesmanship.  He  was  not 


158          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  I  IE  ND  RICKS. 

in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term  a  reformer.  He  sought  to 
maintain  in  their  severe  simplicity  the  institutions  of  onr  Gov 
ernment.  He  took  into  the  account  always  the  greatness  of  his 
country  and  sought  to  maintain  its  free  institutions  in  their  full 
strength  and  vigor.  He  considered  the  general  result,  but  was, 
I  think,  at  times  too  indifferent  to  the  details  of  administra 
tion,  which  necessarily  beget  antagonisms.  He  indulged  an 
exalted  pride  in  his  country  and  its  institutions,  and  viewed 
with  alarm  and  questioned  with  remorseless  severity  any  meas 
ure  of  policy  that  from  his  standpoint  imperiled  or  seemed  to 
imperil  the  safety  of  the  landmarks  set  up  by  the  fathers. 

He  was  a  disciple  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  an  admirer  of 
James  Madison,  whom  he  greatly  resembled  in  the  general  out 
lines  of  his  character,  scope  of  views  of  public  measures,  and 
theories  of  government. 

He  was  not  overcautious  in  politics,  but  a  man  of  high  moral 
courage.  Let  him  who  doubts  this  read  the  debates  in  the  Sen 
ate  in  that  grave  and  anxious  period  when  the  measures  of  re 
construction  were  iinder  consideration;  let  him  consider  the 
approval  by  Mr.  HKNDRICKS  at  a  later  period,  as  governor  of 
Indiana,  of  the  temperance  measure  known  as  the  Baxter  law, 
against  which  the  fierce  hostility  of  his  political  friends  was 
aroused,  indignantly  refusing  at  the  time  a  word  of  apology  or 
excuse. 

I  admit,  for  I  am  anxious  to  delineate  his  character  with 
truth,  that  he  was  a  partisan  in  the  sense  of  firm  and  unyield 
ing  devotion  to  the  fortunes  of  his  party.  From  his  early  youth 
to  the  close  of  his  life  he  was  a  Democrat  and  only  confident  of 
the  future  of  his  country  in  the  supremacy  in  the  public  coun 
cils  of  Government  of  the  views  of  constitutional  power  under 
the  Federal  system  taught  by  the  early  statesmen  whose  views 
were  generally  accepted  by  the  Democratic  party.  For  forty- 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  159 

five  years  he  adhered  to  the  fortunes  of  that  party  without 
"variableness  or  shadow  of  turning."  He  never  for  one  mo 
ment  lost  faith  in  his  party  or  in  his  own  convictions  of  public 
policy.  But  he  was  always  courteous,  just,  and  fair  to  his  po 
litical  adversaries.  He  was  thoroughly  practical  in  his  politi 
cal  views,  and  never  lost  sight  of  the  main  purpose  and  neces 
sity  of  political  organizations  as  great  and  responsible  agencies 
for  the  administration  of  a  Government  of  the  people. 

To  the  temporary  and  incidental  questions  which  spring  up 
in  periods  of  public  disorder  he  attached  no  importance.  As 
long  as  the  fundamental  principles  of  his  party  were  secure  he 
made  no  question  on  temporary  abstractions.  He  had  positive 
convictions  on  the  tariff  prior  to  1861.  He  believed  that  the 
freedom  of  commerce  would  break  down  the  barriers  between 
the  nations,  stimulate  industry  in  all  quarters  of  the  globe,  and 
promote  closer  and  more  peaceful  relations  between  all  parts  of 
the  human  race  ;  but  when  a  great  public  debt  demanded  great 
revenues,  he  believed  that  the  great  question  of  tariff  reform 
had  been  postponed  until  the  current  ordinary  expenses  of  Gov 
ernment  should  in  the  main  make  demands  on  the  Treasury. 
He  believed  that  the  monetary  system  of  the  Government,  dis 
ordered  by  the  exactions  of  war,  could  only  be  restored  to  its 
normal  condition  and  to  its  proper  relations  to  other  commer 
cial  powers  by  the  progress  of  current  and  natural  events  ;  that 
in  such  cases  time,  patience,  and  labor  are  the  law-makers.  I 
mention  these  matters  only  to  illustrate  his  thoroughly  prac 
tical  views  of  political  questions. 

On  subjects  which  he  believed  for  the  time  to  be  beyond  the 
reach  of  practical  and  effective  legislation  Mr.  HENDRICKS  gen 
erally  remained  silent  or  gave  a  formal  assent  to  the  action  of 
his  party,  but  refused  to  discuss  them,  as  not  of  practical  in 
terest  ;  hence  some  of  his  cotemporaries  have  inconsiderately 


l6o         LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  H END  RICKS. 

charged  him  with  a  want  of  defined  policy  in  public  affairs. 
But  my  answer  is  that  whenever  definite  views  are  important 
he  expressed  them,  and  when  courage  was  demanded  THOMAS 
A.  HENDRICKS  never  hesitated  even  when  his  own  party  was 
the  assailant. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  was  a  laborious  and  patient  student.  He 
had  the  scholarly  attainments  of  a  well-informed  American 
gentleman.  He  had  mastered  the  leading  measures  of  policy 
and  the  great  questions  of  constitutional  power  which  had  from 
time  to  time  arisen  in  the  progress  of  our  history.  He  under 
stood  in  all  their  details  the  current  political  questions  of  the 
period ;  yet  I  do  not  think  that  during  the  last  few  years  he 
liked  the  drudgery  of  study  except  where  the  labor  was  de 
manded  by  the  occasion  or  was  relieved  by  his  intellectual  en 
joyment  of  the  subject.  He  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  greatest 
lawyers  this  country  has  produced,  notwithstanding  the  large 
portion  of  his  life  devoted  to  public  affairs.  He  was  familiar 
with  the  current  literature  of  the  age  and  greatly  enjoyed  the 
wrorks  of  an  author  whose  style  was  elegant  and  vivacious  and 
at  the  same  time  instructive.  He  enjoyed  society,  and  mingled 
with  remarkable  ease  and  cordiality  in  the  social  circle  and  in 
the  midst  of  great  bodies  of  men.  He  was  fond  of  manly 
amusements,  especially  in  early  life,  but  never  under  circum 
stances  where  the  propriety  of  the  presence  of  a  gentleman 
could  be  called  in  question. 

When  Mr.  HENDRICKS  first  entered  public  life  he  did  not  give 
special  promise  of  becoming  a  great  speaker,  yet  his  manner 
was  attractive.  His  clear,  kindly  eye  and  the  bright,  frank,  and 
manly  expression  of  his  face  won  the  confidence  of  his  audience 
in  the  beginning,  and  while  in  some  degree  hesitating  in  man 
ner,  his  clear,  direct,  and  logical  style  and  uniform  good  sense 
commanded  attention.  As  time  advanced  he  became  a  great 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLM  AN,  OF  INDIANA.  l6l 

master  in  the  field  of  oratory.  His  manner  became  dignified,  his 
style  elevated,  polished,  and  commanding,  and  in  later  years  it 
can  be  claimed,  without  partiality,  that  in  elevation  of  thought, 
clearness  of  statement,  and  vigor  of  expression  and  in  the  magi 
cal  powers  that  charm  and  convince  an  audience  his  speeches 
compare  well  with  those  of  the  ablest  statesmen  the  country  has 
produced. 

Left  to  himself,  he  enjoyed  above  all  else  the  congenial  society 
of  his  accomplished  wife  and  the  presence  of  his  friends  at  his 
own  fireside.  Here  at  home  the  man  great  in  the  rugged  cur 
rent  of  business  and  affairs  became  still  greater  in  the  genial, 
confiding,  generous  qualities  of  mind  and  heart  that  diffused 
sunshine  and  gladness  around  him  and  made  him  the  idol  of  his 
friends.  I  recall  how,  in  his  manhood,  with  the  filial  affection 
of  a  boy,  he  greeted  his  venerable  father  after  a  short  separation, 
and  the  anxious  inquiries  for  the  mother  at  home.  At  the  time 
I  speak  of  he  was  still  residing  at  his  early  home,  but  was  long 
detained  by  the  convention  I  have  mentioned  at  the  State  cap 
ital;  and  I  shall  never  forget  how  joyfully  he  anticipated  an 
occasional  visit  from  his  young  wife  and  little  boy.  The  little 
boy,  a  child  of  remarkable  sprightliness,  his  only  offspring,  died 
more  than  thirty  years  ago,  yet  seemed  to  live  as  a  part  of  his 
own  life.  We  have  seldom  met  during  all  these  years  when  he 
did  not  recall  some  childish  remark  of  his  little  boy.  His  heart 
was  instantly  touched  by  any  instance  of  poverty  or  suffering, 
and,  without  hesitation,  was  eager  to  furnish  relief. 

His  devotion  to  his  friends  never  faltered.  The  last  words 
he  spoke  to  me  in  this  Capitol,  just  before  he  left  it  never  to 
return,  were  of  anxious  solicitude  for  a  friend.  A  little  later, 
in  the  capital  of  our  State,  at  his  own  fireside,  as  I  left  him  to 
see  him  in  this  life  no  more,  I  shall  never  forget  the  earnest 
pressure  of  his  hand  as  he  bade  me  farewell  with  the  earnest 
S.  Mis.  120 11 


I  62          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  H END  RICKS. 

hope  that  he  should  be  able  to  aid  in  advancing  the  fortunes  of 
an  old  friend  then  present.  This  generous  and  always  sincere 
interest  in  his  friends  was  a  notable  feature  of  his  character. 

In  the  relations  that  gather  around  the  fireside  of  home,  and 
in  the  impulses  and  affections  that  live  in  the  sanctuary  of  the 
heart,  this  great  strong  man  who  stood  up  so  sturdily  in  the 
rough  struggles  of  men  displayed  the  tenderness  of  a  gentle 
woman. 

It  was  this  part  of  the  life  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  that  most 
charmed  those  who  knew  him  well  and  enjoyed  his  friendship. 
His  great  abilities  inspired  their  admiration,  but  the  kindness 
and  generosity  habitual  to  his  life  won  their  love  and  affection. 

He  accepted  with  a  sturdy  old-fashioned  belief,  without  doubt 
or  hesitation,  the  Old  Testament  and  the  New.  This  unfalter 
ing  faith  unquestionably  gave  him  that  marked  stability  of 
character  so  conspicuous  in  his  career.  But,  more  than  this, 
early  in  life  he  had  laid  up  in  his  heart,  never  to  lose  its  power, 
the  sublime  lesson  of  the  sweetest  words  that  ever  fell  on  the 
ear  of  mortal — the  divine  sentiment  which  even  in  the  midst  of 
affliction  and  sorrow  lights  up  the  soul  with  rays  of  consolation 
and  hope — "Blessed  are  the  merciful,  for  they  shall  obtain 
mercy. ' ' 

Who  shall  say  that  in  the  last  moment,  when  the  celestial 
messenger  came  to  his  peaceful  home  unannounced,  and  touched 
the  great  human  heart  and  bade  it  rest  forever,  the  acts  of 
kindly  beneficence,  the  sweet  charities  of  a  good  life,  were  not 
transformed  into  rays  of  living  light,  illuminating  to  the  freed 
spirit  the  pathway  to  the  realm  of  the  infinite  and  immortal ! 

He  was  a  pure  man,  a  born  gentleman.  Thirty-five  years 
ago  Mr.  HENDRICKS  and  myself  occupied  a  room  in  common  at 
our  State  capital  for  many  months,  and  through  all  the  succeed 
ing  years  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  our  relations  were  those 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLMAN,  OF  INDIANA.  \  6 1 

\J 

of  close  and  intimate  friendship,  and  it  affords  me  the  highest 
gratification  to  be  able  to  say  that  through  all  those  years  I 
never  heard  a  word  fall  from  his  lips,  in  jest  or  otherwise,  that 
might  not  have  been  spoken,  without  a  thought  of  offense,  in 
the  presence  of  the  purest  woman. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  of  the  personal  integrity  of 
such  a  man  ;  yet  I  will  add  that  through  all  these  years  of  pub 
lic  employment,  as  member  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Indiana 
and  its  constitutional  convention,  Representative  in  Congress, 
Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  a  great  public  trust, 
Senator  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  governor  of  Indiana, 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  embracing  a  period  of  un 
exampled  bitterness  in  political  contests,  in  all  of  which  he  was 
engaged  as  an  unyielding  yet  courteous  partisan,  I  am  not 
aware  that  a  single  human  being  ever  called  his  integrity  in 
question. 

Late  in  September  last  Mr.  HENDRICKS  left  this  capital  with 
a  view  of  attending  a  reunion  of  the  surviving  members  of  the 
constitutional  convention  of  Indiana,  who  had  separated  thirty- 
five  years  before,  and  of  the  first  General  Assembly  held  under 
the  provisions  of  the  new  constitution,  which  was  charged  with 
the  duty  of  carrying  into  effect  the  reforms  inaugurated  by  the 
convention.  The  meeting  was  to  be  held  on  the  5th  and  6th 
of  October.  Hon.  W.  H.  English,  who  was  chief  secretary  of 
the  convention  and  speaker  of  that  first  General  Assembly,  had 
taken  great  interest  in  making  this  reunion  of  early  Indiana 
legislators  a  memorable  event.  The  admirable  result  of  the 
labor  of  those  bodies,  tested  by  thirty-five  years  of  experience, 
was  the  occasion  of  this  reunion.  On  the  5th  of  October,  when 
the  roll  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  members  of  the  convention 
was  called,  only  thirty-three  were  found  to  be  living.  When 
Mr.  HENDRICKS  appeared  on  the  platform,  on  the  5th  of  Octo- 


164          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  HENDRK'KS. 

ber,  in  the  midst  of  these  associates  of  his  early  public  life,  he 
received  a  most  cordial  greeting.  Republicans  and  Democrats 
alike  gathered  around  him;  political  antagonisms  melted  away 
in  the  presence  of  generous  friendship;  moistened  eyes  told  too 
well  how  much  stronger  the  affections  of  the  heart  are  than  the 
ties  of  party  or  the  intellectual  convictions  of  a  life.  But  it 
was  the  subdued  greeting  of  men  looking  backward  to  see  what 
had  been  accomplished — not  forward  in  the  mighty  and  myste 
rious  energy  of  hope! 

On  that  evening  Mr.  HENDRICKS  addressed  his  old  associ 
ates.  He  stood  before  his  audience  erect  and  stately  as  if  in 
his  prime.  His  attitude  and  bearing  were  as  composed  and 
self-reliant  as  in  former  years.  His  face  bore  in  every  linea 
ment  the  old  cheerful,  frank,  kindly  expression.  The  address 
was  an  elegant  and  comprehensive  statement  of  the  great  re 
forms  which  had  been  accomplished  by  the  two  bodies,  the 
surviving  remnants  of  which  were  before  him.  He  closed  the 
address  with  these  words: 

The  Constitution  then  adopted  stands  almost  without  change  or  modification  after 
thirty-five  years.  Under  its  provisions  the  people  have  maintained  local  self-govern 
ment  in  its  highest  excellence.  In  peace  and  in  war  it  has  guarded  their  rights,  pro 
tected  their  interests,  and  promoted  their  welfare  and  prosperity. 

I  congratulate  you  who  are  living,  and  I  honor  the  memory  of  the  delegates  who 
are  dead,  for  the  perfect  work  done  by  the  convention. 

This  reunion  and  the  relation  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS  to  it  was 
a  pleasing  incident  well  worthy  of  the  closing  period  of  a  great 
and  good  life,  men  of  all  parties,  associates  of  his  early  man 
hood  who  saw  the  opening  promise  of  his  powers,  laying  aside 
the  animosities  of  party  and  meeting  him  in  the  embrace  of 
friendship,  as  if  for  a  final  parting. 

Alas!  how  soon,  in  the  midst  of  emblems  of  a  nation's  grief 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  representatives  of  its  great  depart 
ments,  he  was  laid  away  to  his  final  rest,  while  a  vast  multitude 


ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HOLM  AN,  OF  INDIANA.  \  65 

of  those  who  had  known  and  loved  him  for  so  many  years,  un 
mindful  that  the  dead  statesman  held  the  second  office  in  the 
gift  of  the  foremost  nation  of  the  globe,  came  with  sad  hearts  to 
drop  a  tear  on  the  grave  of  a  friend ! 

The  reputation  of  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  reposes  in  safety 
on  a  snre  foundation.  A  gentleman  without  blemish,  a  gener 
ous  and  true  friend,  an  eminent  lawyer,  an  accomplished  orator, 
a  great  statesman,  a  devoted  friend  to  his  country,  a  sincere 
Christian,  an  honest  man! 

This  is  the  epitaph  which  the  great  Commonwealth  which 
knew  and  loved  him  best  rests  assured  will  delineate  his  char 
acter  on  the  record  of  imperishable  history. 

The  resolutions  submitted  by  Mr.  HODMAN  were  then  unan 
imously  adopted. 


PROCEEDINGS 


DEATH  OF  THOMAS  A.  HEXDRICKS 

(VICE-PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES). 


OCTOBER  TERM,  1885. 


IN  THE  SUPREME  COURT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

Monday,  November  30,  1885. 

Mr.  Attorney-General  Garland  addressed  the  court  as  follows  : 

May  it  please  the  coiirt:  Since  the  adjournment  of  this  court 

on  last  Wednesday,  the  heart  of  the  nation  has  been  sorely 

touched  by  the  death  of  the  Vice-President,  THOMAS  A.  HEN- 

DRICKS. 

This  is  not  a  proper  occasion  to  pronounce  a  eulogy  upon 
the  useful  life  and  splendid  character  of  Mr.  HENDRICKS,  but 
he  has  been  so  long  conspicious  in  the  public  service,  has  filled 
thoroughly  and  admirably  so  many  places  of  high  trust,  includ 
ing  the  second  in  rank  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  and  he  has 
been  a  prominent  member  of  this  bar  for  so  many  years,  I  deem 
it  becoming  to  request  the  court  to  lay  aside  its  docket  and 
pause  before  this  sad  event  that  now  overshadows  the  whole 
country,  and  out  of  respect  for  the  memory  of  this  "good  and 

167 


I  68          LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THOMAS  A.  IIENDRICKS. 

faithful  servant"  to  cease  its  labors  until  after  the  last  funeral 
rites  are  performed  on  to-morrow,  and  I  therefore  suggest  the 
court  do  now  adjourn  until  Tuesday  next. 

The  Chief  Justice  replied  as  follows  : 

The  court  heartily  concurs  in  your  remarks,  Mr.  Attorney- 
General,  and  in  the  suggestion  which  you  make.  Justices 
Matthews  and  Blatchford  are  now  on  their  way  to  represent 
the  court  at  the  funeral  in  Indianapolis  to-morrow,  and  as  a 
further  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  the  deceased  we  will 
now  adjourn  until  Tuesday  next. 


fIVI 

c 


E™^ASr  BATE 

°°    ON    THE 


NOV19193H 


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